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Author Topic: Late Term Abortion Law  (Read 10317 times)

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patrick jane

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Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #39 on: October 13, 2020, 04:46:50 pm »

https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2020/october/trump-covid-fetal-cell-lines-regeneron-vaccines-pro-life.html








Amid COVID-19, Pro-Lifers Push to Avoid Abortive Fetal Cells in Medicine




Despite the ethical challenges, most still concede to using old cell lines in life-saving drugs.


President Donald Trump has praised the treatments he received for the coronavirus, including an experimental COVID-19 drug cocktail, as “miracles coming down from God.” But in the week after his hospitalization, some questioned the president’s endorsement of the medication—which he says he wants to make more widely available for free—since it was tested using aborted fetal tissue and his administration promotes a pro-life platform.

This is an ethical dilemma that pro-life Christians have wrestled through long before the coronavirus. Given the role of old fetal cell lines in more than half a century of vaccine development—including options for a COVID-19 vaccine—many have been able to reconcile the use of fetal tissue from decades-old abortions while opposing the use of fetal tissue from new abortions for further testing.

That’s actually the current position of the Trump administration as well. Last year, the US Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) announced plans to discontinue research “that requires new acquisition of fetal tissue from elective abortions,” though it will still allow the use of abortive fetal tissue through older cell lines, of which there is plenty in supply.

Trump’s treatment included an antibody developed by Regeneron Pharmaceuticals, which used a fetal tissue cell line from an abortion in the 1970s to test the efficacy of the drug. Several COVID-19 vaccine candidates also use this cell line.

The actual drug cocktail contains two antibodies. The first uses embryonic mouse stem cell lines—not human ones—genetically altered to contain human antibodies from previously recovered patients, a research technique often termed “humanized mice.” The second antibody is produced in hamster cells.

The Charlotte Lozier Institute, affiliated with the pro-life Susan B. Anthony List, deemed it an “ethical treatment” because of the composition of the drug. The institute has not advocated against the use of animal stem cells.

As far as the testing, “there are ethically derived cell lines that could be used instead,” said David Prentice, the institute’s vice president and research director. “It’s disappointing that they chose to do the tests with the old fetal cell line.”

But Lozier, like other religious groups that oppose abortion, sees a distinction between testing a treatment using the old cell lines and using abortions to obtain further fetal tissue for research.

Researchers sought fetal tissue from elective abortions dating back to the 1960s, creating cell lines that are still used today, after having been multiplied in a lab and frozen. Two of these older fetal cell lines are used mainly to manufacture vaccines, including those for rubella (in the MMR) and chickenpox. The other two are immortalized cell lines, meaning they will grow continuously. Some of these are used in current COVID-19 vaccine candidates.

The Lozier Institute tracks pharmaceutical companies’ use of these abortive cell lines in the development, production, and testing of COVID-19 vaccine options; some use them throughout the development process, and others only in testing.

Prentice felt that the same reasoning for the moral good of vaccines holds true for the Regeneron treatment the president receivd.

Though a growing number of individual Christians refuse vaccines on moral grounds, many institutions, such as the Southern Baptist Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission and the Catholic church, support immunizations while acknowledging their dismaying history. They make the case that the use of older fetal cell lines, while not ideal, is not creating additional harm. As the Catholic church concluded for vaccines: Beneficiaries of the drug are not culpable in the original sin of the abortion.

In a previous CT interview, Francis Collins, the director of the NIH and a committed Christian, suggested comparing it to an organ donation after a tragic shooting, saying that the giving of tissue would still be considered “a noble and honorable action” even though we acknowledge an evil was done.

An evangelical Protestant, Prentice weighs other ethical questions against arguments to refuse vaccines: “Is there a grave reason to use it (such as preventing death or serious illness)? If yes, is there any alternative?” If not, he says, people should feel free to ethically receive the vaccine or drug in question.

The Catholic church wrote that doctors and families may determine it necessary to use vaccines developed using the fetal cell lines to prevent illness and death. It suggested that they also have a duty to oppose the use of the fetal cells and pressure the medical industry to use alternative methods.

Prentice offers a similar support. “Future directions for use of fetal tissue from ongoing abortion will hopefully be to move swiftly to better, modern techniques that do not use fetal tissue from elective abortion,” he said.

While most pro-life groups remain unenthused about the use of the abortive tissue in the COVID-19 vaccine candidates, as with other vaccines, they have not suggested people to refuse treatments or immunizations that are developed with the cell lines.

Prentice, who joined the first fetal tissue ethics board formed by a presidential administration, said those who feel the use of abortive fetuses is morally repugnant “should also feel a duty to advocate for a licitly-produced alternative.” That board includes many others who have publicly expressed pro-life views.

Per the new direction of the HHS, the board met in July to review present-day research proposals requiring acquisition of fetal tissue. It recommended only one proposal out of 14, though final decisions lie with the HHS. The recommended proposal—approved by two-thirds of the board—planned to use existing tissue, and if successful, wouldn’t require its future use.

The criteria the board used included review of the procedures for informed consent, which were not satisfying to some members in a number of cases. Though there are National Institutions of Health procedures in place today, to some, lack of consent tainted the process of obtaining the original fetal cell lines.

Some also raised issue with an NIH call for research proposals that originally required scientists to use fetal tissue to compare their treatment with alternatives. “This was an unfortunate specification, as there is neither ethical nor scientific justification for a specific fetal tissue comparator,” said Prentice, suggesting there are other possibilities.

Kathleen Schmainda, a Catholic and a biophysicist at the Medical College of Wisconsin who also served on the ethics board, said that alternatives “are proven to be scientifically viable and often scientifically preferable.”

She pointed to the list of COVID-19 vaccine candidates in trials that do not use fetal tissue cells as evidence that scientists are preferring not to use them in some cases. For example, several Chinese vaccine candidates use vero monkey cells. The Moderna and Pfizer candidates use no cells in the design or production instead creating the vaccine with a genetic sequencing on computers, though they use fetal cell lines in lab testing.

One avenue for ethically obtaining fetal tissue could be the use of banks that maintain fetal tissue from miscarriages, said Schmainda. While some scientists will say they prefer abortive fetal tissue because it is healthier, Schmainda maintains that most miscarriages are due to pregnancy complications, not genetic abnormalities.









Board chair Paige Comstock Cunningham, who is also the interim president at Taylor University, could not be reached for comment. The ethics board is dissolved each year. If President Trump is reelected, a new ethics board will assess proposals in coming years.

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Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #40 on: October 14, 2020, 09:41:01 am »

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Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #41 on: October 27, 2020, 10:35:06 am »

https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2020/october/john-deberry-tennessee-pro-life-democrat-state-legislature.html








Ousted by Party, Former Democrat Holds to Pro-Life Platform in Tennessee





Longtime state legislator and Memphis pastor John DeBerry is now running as an Independent.


Editor’s note: This profile is the fourth in a CT series featuring Christian candidates who are running for legislative office in November.

John DeBerry insists he is not the one who changed; the Tennessee Democratic Party did.

The 69-year-old politician and Church of Christ pastor has represented part of Memphis in the state House of Representatives since 1994. But this year, after 13 consecutive victories in Tennessee’s 90th District, DeBerry was removed from the ballot and prohibited from running for reelection as a Democrat.

The Tennessee Democratic Party chair said DeBerry, who has voted according to his pro-life stance on abortion as well as in favor of school choice, “demonstrated more loyalty to the Republican Party than to the Democratic Party.”

DeBerry insists his voters have always known where he stood on abortion and other social issues; they sent him to Nashville again and again. “Life has mattered my entire career,” he told Christianity Today. “My principles have not changed, and I am not changing my principles because I have a D behind my name.”

DeBerry’s fight to stay in the race in Tennessee is an example of the precarious political position a dwindling number of pro-life Democratic politicians find themselves in. But DeBerry wants to remain in the party because, knowing his constituents, he believes he’s not alone; he says they too are Christian Democrats who stand for life.

DeBerry has been a Democrat since 1968 when he voted in his first presidential election. His parents were Democrats, but his grandparents had been Eisenhower Republicans. It was Christian leaders taking a stand during the civil rights movement—former president Jimmy Carter, Martin Luther King Jr., and Ralph Abernathy—that first spurred his own interest in politics.

DeBerry, who is also a pastor at Coleman Avenue Church of Christ in Memphis, sees faith as the foundation for his career in public service and how he thinks through policy issues.

He says you cannot fight for what is right based on political labels, but most rely on deeper convictions. “Fashion changes, style changes, laws change, but principles which are built on the Word of God don't change,” he said.

DeBerry believes abortion violates both God’s laws and the American principle that all persons have constitutional rights not based on their place of residency—those rights extend to those residing in the womb too.

The Tennessee politician, now running as an Independent, blames state party officials for taking a fundamentally undemocratic action to remove him from the ballot. He was already on the ballot when the party announced their decision, and a few of his colleagues spoke out on his behalf. House Minority Leader Karen Camper, a fellow Memphis Democrat, called the party’s actions “[an attempt] to nullify the choice of the people of the 90th District.”

DeBerry’s conservative positions may have frustrated some of his pro-choice colleagues, but they respect his leadership. They voted for him to serve as minority leader pro tempore for the entire Democratic Caucus. Legislators also passed a bipartisan bill to amend the Tennessee election code, allowing incumbents disqualified by their party’s executive committee, like DeBerry, to file a new petition under a different party identification past the standard filing deadline.

DeBerry has chosen to run as an Independent. On November 3, he will face progressive Democrat Torrey Harris, who would be both the youngest and the first openly gay member of the Tennessee House. When asked why he did not simply run as a Republican, DeBerry stated, “If I wanted to run as a Republican, I could have, but the majority of the district consists of Christian Democrats who share my pro-life views.”

According to Pew Research, young black Protestants have become less rigid in their opposition to abortion than previous generations, in part because they are more likely to view racial justice for those who are born as paramount. Yet DeBerry’s assertion that the majority of the black Democrats in his district share his views is borne out by the fact that he has beat out liberal African Americans in primary races twice since his district was redrawn in 2012, including Harris, his current Democratic opponent.

DeBerry is among state legislative candidates in ten states who received endorsements from Democrats for Life of America in 2020; the group endorsed just a single candidate for US Congress—Rep. Collin Peterson of Minnesota—this year.

Kristen Day, executive director of Democrats for Life, believes that “you do not have to be a Republican to care about life,” and as the party of the vulnerable and marginalized, the Democratic Party should take a stand for the unborn. Or at least not exclude politicians for doing so.

Day has pushed for an “inclusive, ‘big tent’ party” that doesn’t rely on abortion rights as the foundation of its platform and wouldn’t target pro-life Democrats like DeBerry. On a national level, US Rep. Dan Lipinski, a pro-life Democrat who served Illinois’s 3rd District for 15 years, lost his primary earlier this year to a pro-choice challenger who rallied more funding and support.

DeBerry likewise believes that the issue of abortion isn’t as starkly partisan as the “party elites” presume. According to a 2019 Gallup Poll on abortion, 24 percent of Democratic voters and 44 percent of Independent voters identify as pro-life. He says Democrats should not exclude that sizeable minority—many of them, like him, are religious people whose faith leads them to oppose abortion.

In evangelical denominations like DeBerry’s Churches of Christ, the Southern Baptist Convention, and Assemblies of God, as well as the historically black Church of God in Christ denomination, most say abortion should be illegal in all or most circumstances, per a Pew Research Center survey.

DeBerry cites one of his favorite verses, Matthew 22:21, “Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar’s; and unto God the things that are God’s” (KJV), as part of his reasoning for his stance. For DeBerry, only God decides life and death.

DeBerry is unsure whether he will caucus as a Democrat or Republican should the 90th District residents send him back to Nashville as an Independent. But he pledges, no matter what side he’s on, to always place principles over party and personality.








Kathryn Freeman is an attorney and former director of public policy for the Texas Baptists’ Christian Life Commission. Currently, she is a master of divinity student at Baylor University’s Truett Seminary and one-half of the podcast Melanated Faith.

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Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #42 on: October 27, 2020, 07:53:07 pm »

https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2020/october/john-deberry-tennessee-pro-life-democrat-state-legislature.html








Ousted by Party, Former Democrat Holds to Pro-Life Platform in Tennessee





Longtime state legislator and Memphis pastor John DeBerry is now running as an Independent.


Editor’s note: This profile is the fourth in a CT series featuring Christian candidates who are running for legislative office in November.

John DeBerry insists he is not the one who changed; the Tennessee Democratic Party did.

The 69-year-old politician and Church of Christ pastor has represented part of Memphis in the state House of Representatives since 1994. But this year, after 13 consecutive victories in Tennessee’s 90th District, DeBerry was removed from the ballot and prohibited from running for reelection as a Democrat.

The Tennessee Democratic Party chair said DeBerry, who has voted according to his pro-life stance on abortion as well as in favor of school choice, “demonstrated more loyalty to the Republican Party than to the Democratic Party.”

DeBerry insists his voters have always known where he stood on abortion and other social issues; they sent him to Nashville again and again. “Life has mattered my entire career,” he told Christianity Today. “My principles have not changed, and I am not changing my principles because I have a D behind my name.”

DeBerry’s fight to stay in the race in Tennessee is an example of the precarious political position a dwindling number of pro-life Democratic politicians find themselves in. But DeBerry wants to remain in the party because, knowing his constituents, he believes he’s not alone; he says they too are Christian Democrats who stand for life.

DeBerry has been a Democrat since 1968 when he voted in his first presidential election. His parents were Democrats, but his grandparents had been Eisenhower Republicans. It was Christian leaders taking a stand during the civil rights movement—former president Jimmy Carter, Martin Luther King Jr., and Ralph Abernathy—that first spurred his own interest in politics.

DeBerry, who is also a pastor at Coleman Avenue Church of Christ in Memphis, sees faith as the foundation for his career in public service and how he thinks through policy issues.

He says you cannot fight for what is right based on political labels, but most rely on deeper convictions. “Fashion changes, style changes, laws change, but principles which are built on the Word of God don't change,” he said.

DeBerry believes abortion violates both God’s laws and the American principle that all persons have constitutional rights not based on their place of residency—those rights extend to those residing in the womb too.

The Tennessee politician, now running as an Independent, blames state party officials for taking a fundamentally undemocratic action to remove him from the ballot. He was already on the ballot when the party announced their decision, and a few of his colleagues spoke out on his behalf. House Minority Leader Karen Camper, a fellow Memphis Democrat, called the party’s actions “[an attempt] to nullify the choice of the people of the 90th District.”

DeBerry’s conservative positions may have frustrated some of his pro-choice colleagues, but they respect his leadership. They voted for him to serve as minority leader pro tempore for the entire Democratic Caucus. Legislators also passed a bipartisan bill to amend the Tennessee election code, allowing incumbents disqualified by their party’s executive committee, like DeBerry, to file a new petition under a different party identification past the standard filing deadline.

DeBerry has chosen to run as an Independent. On November 3, he will face progressive Democrat Torrey Harris, who would be both the youngest and the first openly gay member of the Tennessee House. When asked why he did not simply run as a Republican, DeBerry stated, “If I wanted to run as a Republican, I could have, but the majority of the district consists of Christian Democrats who share my pro-life views.”

According to Pew Research, young black Protestants have become less rigid in their opposition to abortion than previous generations, in part because they are more likely to view racial justice for those who are born as paramount. Yet DeBerry’s assertion that the majority of the black Democrats in his district share his views is borne out by the fact that he has beat out liberal African Americans in primary races twice since his district was redrawn in 2012, including Harris, his current Democratic opponent.

DeBerry is among state legislative candidates in ten states who received endorsements from Democrats for Life of America in 2020; the group endorsed just a single candidate for US Congress—Rep. Collin Peterson of Minnesota—this year.

Kristen Day, executive director of Democrats for Life, believes that “you do not have to be a Republican to care about life,” and as the party of the vulnerable and marginalized, the Democratic Party should take a stand for the unborn. Or at least not exclude politicians for doing so.

Day has pushed for an “inclusive, ‘big tent’ party” that doesn’t rely on abortion rights as the foundation of its platform and wouldn’t target pro-life Democrats like DeBerry. On a national level, US Rep. Dan Lipinski, a pro-life Democrat who served Illinois’s 3rd District for 15 years, lost his primary earlier this year to a pro-choice challenger who rallied more funding and support.

DeBerry likewise believes that the issue of abortion isn’t as starkly partisan as the “party elites” presume. According to a 2019 Gallup Poll on abortion, 24 percent of Democratic voters and 44 percent of Independent voters identify as pro-life. He says Democrats should not exclude that sizeable minority—many of them, like him, are religious people whose faith leads them to oppose abortion.

In evangelical denominations like DeBerry’s Churches of Christ, the Southern Baptist Convention, and Assemblies of God, as well as the historically black Church of God in Christ denomination, most say abortion should be illegal in all or most circumstances, per a Pew Research Center survey.

DeBerry cites one of his favorite verses, Matthew 22:21, “Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar’s; and unto God the things that are God’s” (KJV), as part of his reasoning for his stance. For DeBerry, only God decides life and death.

DeBerry is unsure whether he will caucus as a Democrat or Republican should the 90th District residents send him back to Nashville as an Independent. But he pledges, no matter what side he’s on, to always place principles over party and personality.








Kathryn Freeman is an attorney and former director of public policy for the Texas Baptists’ Christian Life Commission. Currently, she is a master of divinity student at Baylor University’s Truett Seminary and one-half of the podcast Melanated Faith.


;D

guest17

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Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #43 on: December 10, 2020, 08:55:50 am »


Ben Shapiro Obliterates Every Pro-Abortion Argument (Send This To Your Pro-Choice Friends)
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guest17

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Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #44 on: December 22, 2020, 06:43:50 pm »
Vatican permits use of COVID-19 vaccines made using aborted fetal tissue


VATICAN CITY (Reuters) - The Vatican told Roman Catholics on Monday that it was morally acceptable to use COVID-19 vaccines even if their production employed cell lines drawn from tissues of aborted foetuses.

A note from the Vatican’s doctrinal congregation, the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, said the use of such vaccines was permitted as long as there were no alternatives.

Both the Pfizer Inc and Moderna Inc vaccines have some connection to cell lines that originated with tissue from abortions in the last century, according to the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB), which issued a separate note to American Catholics last week.

The Vatican note said the granting of moral legitimacy was related to the principle “differing degrees of responsibility of cooperation in evil.”

story continues....
https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-vaccines-vatican/vatican-says-use-of-covid-vaccines-made-from-aborted-fetal-tissue-is-ethical-idUSKBN28V1HV

The Vatican has announced that it is “morally acceptable” for Roman Catholics to get vaccinated against Covid-19 after anti-abortion groups raised concerns citing the origin of the vaccine from aborted fetuses.
story continues....
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/covid-vaccine-vatican-fetus-abortion-b1777571.html
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patrick jane

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Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #45 on: January 20, 2021, 08:47:00 am »

https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/january/national-march-for-life-dc-cancel-virtual-security-covid-19.html








March for Life Plans Disrupted by DC Security Concerns






The annual event is asking participants to “stay home” for the first time since Roe v. Wade.


The National March for Life, the biggest pro-life rally in the country, has asked hundreds of thousands of supporters to stay home for the January 29 event, citing the pandemic and security concerns around the Capitol.

It’s the first January since the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision that pro-lifers won’t be gathering in DC to march to the Supreme Court to signal their opposition to abortion. In 2016, the march went on despite DC shutting down before a blizzard that brought nearly two feet of snow.

March for Life organizers shared the change in plans on Friday, inviting participants to a virtual event instead. The National Park Service had announced that the National Mall will be closed through at least January 21, the day after the inauguration, and DC is also under a state of emergency until then.

“The protection of all of those who participate in the annual March, as well as the many law enforcement personnel and others who work tirelessly each year to ensure a safe and peaceful event, is a top priority of the March for Life,” said March for Life president Jeanne Mancini.

While Catholics traditionally took the lead in organizing and attending the rally, the Protestant cohort has grown over the years, including the addition of a corresponding Evangelicals for Life conference five years ago. This year’s speaker lineup included prominent evangelical leaders Jim Daly, Focus on the Family president, and J. D. Greear, the first Southern Baptist president to address the event.

Organizers plan to have a small group of Christian leaders still march in-person to represent the larger group that typically descends on DC for the march, Mancini’s announcement said. As of Friday, Daly was still planning on attending the event in person, according to a Focus on the Family spokesperson. Tim Tebow is scheduled to offer a keynote at a virtual gala following the march.

Attendance was already expected to be down at the event due to the coronavirus. Organizers had planned to require face masks, display signs about social distancing, and urge those with symptoms not to come.

Some state and local marches—including in Arkansas, Hawaii, and Oregon—recently opted to cancel or postpone this year’s in-person gatherings due to “political unrest and the continuing COVID-19 pandemic.”

guest17

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Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #46 on: April 20, 2021, 11:00:44 am »
Planned Parenthood Can’t Disavow Margaret Sanger
National Review
Alexandra DeSanctis  23 hrs ago

Though abortion-rights proponents recently have advanced the historically illiterate argument that the pro-life movement is rooted in white supremacy, the truth is quite the opposite. White supremacists have long supported legal abortion, because they recognize and applaud that nonwhite women are disproportionately more likely to obtain abortions than are white women.

Over the weekend, the president of Planned Parenthood, Alexis McGill Johnson, wrote an opinion piece in the New York Times, formally criticizing her institution’s infamous founder, Margaret Sanger.

The article’s title announced, “We’re Done Making Excuses for Our Founder,” and the subheading indicated that the group is ready to “reckon with Margaret Sanger’s association with white supremacist groups and eugenics.”

Planned Parenthood is remarkably late to acknowledge what the rest of us have been saying for quite some time: Sanger was a foremost proponent of the eugenics movement in the U.S., motivated especially by her particular animus toward poor nonwhites. Her crusade to legalize birth control was motivated in large part by her desire to prevent the “unfit” and “feeble-minded” from reproducing.

Sanger’s goal was not primarily to liberate American women by legalizing birth control; rather, it was “to make the coming generation into such physically fit, mentally capable, socially alert individuals as are the ideal of a democracy.”

The sudden effort to disentangle Planned Parenthood from its founder’s role in the racially motivated eugenics movement of the 20th century is too little, too late, even by the Left’s own standards. Last July, amidst racial tension and riots across the country, Planned Parenthood’s affiliate in New York City removed Sanger’s name from its flagship clinic, labeling her “a racist, white woman” and accusing the organization of “institutional racism.”

Yet the national organization didn’t say a word about it. Now, almost a year later, the group’s leadership has finally managed to workshop a careful way of attempting to guard its legacy while disavowing its founder.

“We have defended Sanger as a protector of bodily autonomy and self-determination, while excusing her association with white supremacist groups and eugenics as an unfortunate ‘product of her time,’” Johnson writes.

Nearly 80 percent of Planned Parenthood’s clinics are located within walking distance of neighborhoods occupied predominantly by black and Hispanic residents. Despite constituting only 13 percent of the female population, black women represent more than one-third of all abortions in the U.S. each year. Black women are five times more likely than white women to obtain an abortion, and abortions are highly concentrated among low-income women. In recent years in New York City, more black babies were aborted than were born alive.

Contrary to what abortion advocates suggest, it is not privileged white progressives who most often avail themselves of the right to abortion. Defenders of legal abortion refuse to acknowledge this inconvenient reality, even as they insist that choosing abortion is a sign of women’s liberation and social progress.

Though abortion-rights proponents recently have advanced the historically illiterate argument that the pro-life movement is rooted in white supremacy, the truth is quite the opposite. White supremacists have long supported legal abortion, because they recognize and applaud that nonwhite women are disproportionately more likely to obtain abortions than are white women.

For instance, Richard Spencer, a leading white supremacist, is highly supportive of legalized abortion, because “the people who are having abortions are generally very often black or Hispanic or from very poor circumstances.” As he puts it, abortion is a good thing because “the unintelligent and blacks and Hispanics . . . use abortion as birth control.”

Defending unlimited legal abortion while maintaining one’s progressive bona fides requires erasing this reality, which is why Johnson’s Times op-ed ignores the way in which Planned Parenthood’s bottom line profits from minority women who feel as if they have no option other than abortion.

“We are committed to confronting any white supremacy in our own organization, and across the movement for reproductive freedom,” Johnson wrote.

She could start by acknowledging the way that the abortion industry and her own organization profit by perpetuating Margaret Sanger’s racist legacy.


https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/us/planned-parenthood-can-t-disavow-margaret-sanger/ar-BB1fP03e?ocid=msedgntp
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guest8

  • Guest
Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #47 on: April 20, 2021, 08:53:44 pm »
Planned Parenthood Can’t Disavow Margaret Sanger
National Review
Alexandra DeSanctis  23 hrs ago

Though abortion-rights proponents recently have advanced the historically illiterate argument that the pro-life movement is rooted in white supremacy, the truth is quite the opposite. White supremacists have long supported legal abortion, because they recognize and applaud that nonwhite women are disproportionately more likely to obtain abortions than are white women.

Over the weekend, the president of Planned Parenthood, Alexis McGill Johnson, wrote an opinion piece in the New York Times, formally criticizing her institution’s infamous founder, Margaret Sanger.

The article’s title announced, “We’re Done Making Excuses for Our Founder,” and the subheading indicated that the group is ready to “reckon with Margaret Sanger’s association with white supremacist groups and eugenics.”

Planned Parenthood is remarkably late to acknowledge what the rest of us have been saying for quite some time: Sanger was a foremost proponent of the eugenics movement in the U.S., motivated especially by her particular animus toward poor nonwhites. Her crusade to legalize birth control was motivated in large part by her desire to prevent the “unfit” and “feeble-minded” from reproducing.

Sanger’s goal was not primarily to liberate American women by legalizing birth control; rather, it was “to make the coming generation into such physically fit, mentally capable, socially alert individuals as are the ideal of a democracy.”

The sudden effort to disentangle Planned Parenthood from its founder’s role in the racially motivated eugenics movement of the 20th century is too little, too late, even by the Left’s own standards. Last July, amidst racial tension and riots across the country, Planned Parenthood’s affiliate in New York City removed Sanger’s name from its flagship clinic, labeling her “a racist, white woman” and accusing the organization of “institutional racism.”

Yet the national organization didn’t say a word about it. Now, almost a year later, the group’s leadership has finally managed to workshop a careful way of attempting to guard its legacy while disavowing its founder.

“We have defended Sanger as a protector of bodily autonomy and self-determination, while excusing her association with white supremacist groups and eugenics as an unfortunate ‘product of her time,’” Johnson writes.

Nearly 80 percent of Planned Parenthood’s clinics are located within walking distance of neighborhoods occupied predominantly by black and Hispanic residents. Despite constituting only 13 percent of the female population, black women represent more than one-third of all abortions in the U.S. each year. Black women are five times more likely than white women to obtain an abortion, and abortions are highly concentrated among low-income women. In recent years in New York City, more black babies were aborted than were born alive.

Contrary to what abortion advocates suggest, it is not privileged white progressives who most often avail themselves of the right to abortion. Defenders of legal abortion refuse to acknowledge this inconvenient reality, even as they insist that choosing abortion is a sign of women’s liberation and social progress.

Though abortion-rights proponents recently have advanced the historically illiterate argument that the pro-life movement is rooted in white supremacy, the truth is quite the opposite. White supremacists have long supported legal abortion, because they recognize and applaud that nonwhite women are disproportionately more likely to obtain abortions than are white women.

For instance, Richard Spencer, a leading white supremacist, is highly supportive of legalized abortion, because “the people who are having abortions are generally very often black or Hispanic or from very poor circumstances.” As he puts it, abortion is a good thing because “the unintelligent and blacks and Hispanics . . . use abortion as birth control.”

Defending unlimited legal abortion while maintaining one’s progressive bona fides requires erasing this reality, which is why Johnson’s Times op-ed ignores the way in which Planned Parenthood’s bottom line profits from minority women who feel as if they have no option other than abortion.

“We are committed to confronting any white supremacy in our own organization, and across the movement for reproductive freedom,” Johnson wrote.

She could start by acknowledging the way that the abortion industry and her own organization profit by perpetuating Margaret Sanger’s racist legacy.


https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/us/planned-parenthood-can-t-disavow-margaret-sanger/ar-BB1fP03e?ocid=msedgntp

good article truthjourney

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Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #48 on: April 30, 2021, 12:59:19 pm »
Greatest Takedown of the Left's Abortion Argument

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Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #49 on: August 30, 2021, 07:42:16 pm »

https://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2021/september/unborn-safe-city-county-prolife-resolution-local-solution.html







Pro-Life Advocates Push Local Resolutions






Tired of failures at the ballot box and in courts, some turn to community declarations.


Ryan Sullivan didn’t give much thought to his pro-life position as a Christian beyond voting for pro-life politicians. Then he studied Exodus 21:22–24, where God prescribed the death penalty for any Israelite who assaulted a woman and caused her to miscarry.

“In that Scripture, the life inside the womb is treated with the exact same value as the life outside the womb,” said the pastor of Grace Community Church in Jackson, Mississippi. “Once I started thinking that way, I noticed that so much of the world around me—and even the Christian world around me—almost thinks of this abortion issue as merely a political one.”

The realization led Sullivan to embrace a new pro-life strategy: pushing local governments to declare themselves “safe” for the unborn. Members of Grace played key roles in establishing several safe cities in Mississippi. To date, 11 cities and two counties in Mississippi, North Carolina, and Alabama have done the same.

According to Les Riley, president of the pro-life Personhood Alliance, the Safe Cities and Counties Initiative shifts the strategic focus from federal-level efforts to overturn Roe v. Wade to local arenas.

Since 1973, the pro-life movement has “built huge organizations, raised millions of dollars, elected pro-life politicians and pro-life majorities, and, at the federal, state, and local levels, we’ve had control of the courts,” Riley said, “yet tens of millions of children are dead.”

The Personhood Alliance decided in 2018 it was time for another approach and started pushing for cities and counties to pass resolutions saying they are safe for the unborn. Other grassroots groups, such as Sanctuary Cities for the Unborn, have advocated ordinances outlawing abortion, to provoke lawsuits that send the question of abortion’s legality back to the courts. Resolutions, on the other hand, are not laws. They send a message that local communities, through their elected officials, “recognize and declare the humanity of the preborn child.”

The resolution template provided by the Personhood Alliance “urges the citizens” in a safe city or county “to encourage the humane treatment of all human beings, including the preborn child, as well as to promote and defend the dignity of all human life.”

A more localized movement made sense to Sullivan: “Why is the state of Mississippi waiting around for a Supreme Court decision to change?”

After connecting with Riley, Sullivan scheduled a meeting with the mayor and several aldermen in Pearl, Mississippi, where he lives. He wasn’t sure how they would respond, but they embraced the idea of a resolution. On October 1, 2019, Pearl became the first “safe city” in Mississippi.

The success inspired one member of Sullivan’s congregation. Christy Wright, a 28-year-old accountant from Crystal Springs, Mississippi, went to the mayor of her hometown and told her about the resolution. In April 2020, Crystal Springs declared itself a safe city for the unborn too. “We all don’t have to do the same thing, but we all have to do something,” Wright said. “If you see a need, meet a need.”

According to the Safe Cities and Counties Initiative, this is the second phase of the plan, after passing local resolutions: The pro-life group wants to activate communities.

Gualberto Garcia Jones, legal counsel and former president of Personhood Alliance, said citizens “take ownership” in Phase 2, which involves educating people and working to create communities that value human life inside and outside the womb. Most communities aren’t ready to outlaw abortion, he said.

“We realized even well-meaning, good-intentioned people have a lot of questions about this and they have a lot of concerns,” Jones said. “You really want to convince your community first that the protection of preborn life with equal protection is a true and good principle they want to invest in.”

The Personhood Alliance argues that the 14th Amendment, passed during Reconstruction to guarantee the rights of citizenship to Black Americans, should disallow legal abortions. The amendment says that no state can “deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” The unborn should be protected because they are people.

Jones and others pushed for federal legislation to declare that the unborn have the legal rights of personhood in 2004, with little success. They then worked on ballot initiatives in multiple states, including Colorado and Mississippi, but couldn’t win enough votes to change the state constitutions.

In 2014, he and others in the Personhood Alliance decided to focus on “the most local level possible.”

“We’re not reinventing the wheel. The opposite,” he said. “We’re creating a new roadmap.”

So far, no major pro-life organizations have thrown their support behind this new strategy. There is little appetite for inner-movement quarreling, however, so pro-life groups working on state or federal legislation or potential Supreme Court appointments also haven’t directly criticized resolutions or sanctuary-city ordinances.

But pro-life activists see, at the least, limitations to a local-resolutions approach to ending abortion.

Chelsea Patterson Sobolik, policy director at the Southern Baptist Convention’s Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission, said a “very obvious challenge” is the reality that the Supreme Court legalized abortion across the nation and only some towns in some regions are passing pro-life resolutions.

“It’s not going to be able to happen all over the country,” she said. “So I think that’s why we need all the players at the table, and we need folks in DC working on federal policy. We need state legislatures and folks doing advocacy on a state-based level to ensure that babies are protected all over the country.”

Supporters of the Safe Cities and Counties Initiative say its local focus is important, though, for tackling problems that can’t be dealt with at the state or federal level. For example, Keith Pavlansky, president of Personhood North Carolina and a pastor in Yadkin County, said personhood is fundamentally a “philosophical question” that the local church must be equipped to answer.

“It predates Roe v. Wade,” he said. “The question of when somebody is, or what makes somebody a person, is something that has been asked and answered incorrectly a number of times through human history and, sadly, in the United States of America. We’ve had times like our bout with slavery where the personhood of an entire population was in question based on skin color, which is completely outrageous. It’s not scientific, yet it was the law of the land.”

Sarah Quale, president of Personhood Alliance Education, said she’s passionate about the initiative because it centers pro-life activism in the lives of individual Christians.

“It has to start with us individually, and that means personal repentance,” she said. “We have to focus on being consistent in our own homes, in our marriages, and in our parental responsibilities...that extends to the culture and engaging in relational charity in our own backyard.”

In the past several years, Sullivan has seen that focus shape the culture of Grace Community Church. While several members go to the local abortion clinic every week to pray and ask mothers to consider visiting a local pregnancy clinic, a pharmacist at the church has chosen to only work in places that do not dispense birth control that has the potential to prevent the implantation of a fertilized egg. Others are finding ways to support mothers who’ve decided against abortion, and some are taking care of children.

“It’s just a culture of adopting and fostering children,” Sullivan said. “I praise the Lord for that. I think that’s the Holy Spirit helping people to live out their faith.”




Lanie Anderson is a writer and seminary student in Oxford, Mississippi.

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Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #50 on: December 02, 2021, 03:32:33 am »

https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/december/supreme-court-abortion-case-roe-v-wade-pro-life-evangelical.html







Supreme Court Abortion Case Holds Signs of Hope for Pro-Life Evangelicals








The conservative-majority Supreme Court appeared willing to side with Mississippi’s abortion ban, which restricts beyond what “Roe v. Wade” allows.


After a long-awaited challenge to Roe v. Wade made it to the US Supreme Court on Wednesday, pro-life evangelicals who had rallied for the cause for decades were encouraged that the conservative-leaning court appeared willing to uphold a contentious Mississippi law that bans abortion after 15 weeks.

The justices’ decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, due in late June, could overturn the country’s landmark abortion rights cases, making way for more restrictive state laws protecting the personhood of fetuses in the womb.

White evangelicals—who are twice as likely than the average American to want to make abortion illegal—gathered outside the high court in Washington and, across the country, listened to the oral arguments, streamed online due to the pandemic.

But the two-hour discussion—the greatest threat to abortion policy in 50 years of prayer and advocacy—largely skipped over familiar evangelical talking points to focus on the legal precedents for the case.

“The discussion was purely legal—purely legal in a way that might have surprised some,” said Notre Dame law professor Sherif Girgis in a discussion convened by the Ethics and Public Policy Center (EPPC). “It was really just focused on: Is there a doctrinal path to a middle ground?”

The middle ground Gergis references is whether the court can somehow uphold the Mississippi law banning abortion at 15 weeks of pregnancy without overturning Roe v. Wade. The 1973 decision doesn’t allow states to ban abortion prior to the point the baby is viable outside the womb, around 24 weeks.

The EPPC’s Ed Whelan said Chief Justice John Roberts appeared to be seeking a middle-ground argument, while the other five conservative justices—including President Donald Trump appointees Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett—signaled that they may be ready to overturn Roe and fellow landmark abortion case Planned Parenthood v. Casey.

Roberts, though, couldn’t settle on what legal marker the court could adopt to move restrictions earlier than the viability standard, which legal counsel for the providers argued balanced protections for the mother and baby.

Russell Moore, who leads CT’s public theology project, wrote that, “The Court was wrong to grant human rights on the basis of viability or unviability. And we are wrong when we do the same, despising weakness and idolizing power.”

Justice Kavanaugh brought up that the Constitution is “silent” and “neutral” on abortion. He seemed to suggest that national abortion regulations shouldn’t be up to the Supreme Court.

“Why should this Court be the arbiter rather than Congress, the state legislatures, state supreme courts, the people being able to resolve this?” he asked.

Pro-life advocates and legal experts say they were heartened by what they heard in the oral arguments . Roger Severino, the former director of the Health and Human Services Office for Civil Rights under Trump, said the pro-life movement should “rejoice” at the outcome.

Evangelicals were not directly mentioned in the arguments in the chamber, but Justice Sonya Sotomayor evoked evangelical convictions as she referenced the role of faith in beliefs around when life begins.

“How is your interest anything but a religious view?” she asked Mississippi Solicitor General Scott Stewart, who argued on behalf the state’s ban.

“The issue of when life begins has been hotly debated by philosophers since the beginning of time. It’s still debated in religions,” she said. “So when you say [the right to abortion] is the only right that takes away from the state the ability to protect a life—that’s a religious view, isn’t it? Because it assumes that a fetus is life?”

Evangelical Protestants make up 41 percent of the population in Mississippi (compared to a quarter of the US overall), and the state has one of the highest levels of abortion opposition in the country, with 59 percent saying abortion should be legal in all or most cases.

US Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar, who sided with the clinics, argued that women depend on abortion as a “fundamental right” that’s “central to their participate fully and equally in society.”

“For a half century, this Court has correctly recognized that the Constitution protects a woman's fundamental right to decide whether to end a pregnancy before viability,” she said.

The momentum around reversing Roe v. Wade has also drawn more attention to the evolving future of the evangelical pro-life cause, particularly the support and care of a swath of new mothers would require if unable to obtain abortions.

Nathan A. Finn, dean and provost at North Greenville University, wrote for the Baptist Press:

The overturning of Roe must energize local pro-life activism rather than leading to grassroots complacency because of the national legal victory. In a post-Roe world, some women will still want an abortion or believe abortion is their only option. There will still be the need for pro-life pregnancy resource centers in local communities.

In states where elective abortion remains legal, those centers will continue to go head-to-head with abortion clinics. There will also still be young children in need of adoption, perhaps in some places more than there are at present. The church must remain committed to the ministry of orphan care, ready to care for little ones who need a loving home.

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Re: Late Term Abortion Law
« Reply #51 on: April 06, 2022, 11:50:28 am »
WAIT... Who Just OUTLAWED ABORTION ? | Louder with Crowder




Oklahoma passed what some are calling the most extreme abortion ban in America, and we couldn't be happier. Also, Joe Biden is still pushing for student loan forgiveness. And Matt Gaetz smacks down Biden's Defense Secretary. #Abortion #Oklahoma #StudentDebt





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