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Author Topic: ANTIFA and BLM - THE WORST OF AMERICA  (Read 8620 times)

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guest8

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Re: GEORGE FLOYD - Riots Go Nationwide
« Reply #52 on: July 18, 2020, 08:31:35 pm »
Car delivers baseball bats in front of City Hall for "peaceful protesters" on the Brooklyn Bridge.
Jul 16, 2020




Everything is only going to get worse until after the election.

Blade

guest8

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Re: GEORGE FLOYD - Riots Go Nationwide
« Reply #53 on: July 18, 2020, 08:37:36 pm »
Car delivers baseball bats in front of City Hall for "peaceful protesters" on the Brooklyn Bridge.
Jul 16, 2020




this is not going to stop until the election.

Blade

guest17

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Re: GEORGE FLOYD - Riots Go Nationwide
« Reply #54 on: August 09, 2020, 12:40:28 pm »
Patrisse Cullors, co-founder of BLM, said, "Well, I’m a trained organizer. And so, I think sometimes people think that because Black Lives Matter is the biggest thing, that that’s the first thing I ever did. And it’s not. I was trained knocking on doors, you know, getting on buses and passing out flyers and getting people to join organizations. The Labor Community Strategy Center is my first political home. .."

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Started by an old friend of mine, Eric Mann.

PATRISSE KHAN-CULLORS: Yes, Eric Mann. That’s my mentor.

https://www.democracynow.org/2018/1/16/when_they_call_you_a_terrorist

Radical Roots
Labor/Community Strategy Center is an urban experiment to root grassroots organizing focusing in Black and Latino communities with deep historical ties to the long history of anti-colonial anti-imperialist pro-communist resistance to the U.S. empire. We teach and study history of the Indigenous rebellions against the initial European genocidal invasions, the Great Slave Haitian Revolution of the 1790s, the Great Slave Rebellions that won the U.S. civil war for the racist north as explained in W.E.B. DuBois’ Black Reconstruction in America. We appreciate the work of the U.S. Communist Party especially Black communists Harry Haywood, the African Blood Brotherhood and Cyril Briggs, Paul Robeson, Claudia Jones, Du Bois, Benjamin Davis, William L. Patterson, and Lorraine Hansberry.

We applaud the great work of the Black Panther Party, the American Indian Movement, Young Lords, Brown Berets, and the great revolutionary rainbow experiments of the 1970s. We also have roots in the new communist movement of the 1970s and 1980s especially the August 29th Movement, I Wor Kuen, Congress of African People/Revolutionary Communist League (and Amiri Baraka) and their merger into the League of Revolutionary Struggle.
https://www.keywiki.org/Labor/Community_Strategy_Center

Eric Mann
....in 1969, Mann, then a leader in the SDS faction, the Weathermen (Weather Underground), adopted the Revolutionary Youth Movement’s belief that violent "direct action," a euphemism for terrorism, should be used as a tactic to dismantle the group's perceived power centers of “US imperialism”.[20] Mann and 20 others were arrested in September 1969 for participation in a direct action against the Harvard Center for International Affairs, which the Revolutionary Youth Movement saw as a university-sponsored institution for counter-insurgency.[14] [21] Mann and 24 other Weathermen were charged with conspiracy to commit murder after two bullets were fired through a window of the police headquarters on November 8, 1969. Mann surrendered to the police on four counts stemming from the November 8 incident: conspiracy to commit murder, assault with intent to commit murder, promotion of anarchy, and threatening.[22] Mann was sentenced to two years in prison of which he spent 18 months in Billerica, Deer Island, and Concord State Prison (with 40 days in solitary confinement).[20] He was released in July 1971.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eric_Mann

Patrisse Cullors developed an interest in the Nigerian religious tradition of Ifá, incorporating its rituals into political protest events.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Patrisse_Cullors

Ifá is a Yoruba religion and system of divination.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/If%C3%A1

Divination
the practice of seeking knowledge of the future or the unknown by supernatural means.
synonyms:
fortune telling · divining · foretelling the future · forecasting the future · prophecy · prediction · soothsaying · augury · clairvoyance · second sight · magic · sorcery · witchcraft · spellworking · vaticination · sortilege · auspication · witchery

Susan Rosenberg
As of 2020, Rosenberg serves as Vice Chair of the Board of Directors of Thousand Currents, a non-profit foundation that sponsors the fundraising and does administrative work for the Black Lives Matter Global Network, among other clients.[24]

From the late 1970s into the mid-1980s, Rosenberg was active in the far-left revolutionary terrorist May 19th Communist Organization ("M19CO"), which according to a contemporaneous FBI report "openly advocate[d] the overthrow of the U.S. Government through armed struggle and the use of violence".[2] M19CO provided support to an offshoot of the Black Liberation Army, including in armored truck robberies, and later engaged in bombings of government buildings.[3]

After living as a fugitive for two years, Rosenberg was arrested in 1984 while in possession of a large cache of explosives and firearms. She had also been sought as an accomplice in the 1979 prison escape of Assata Shakur and in the 1981 Brink's robbery that resulted in the deaths of two police and a guard[4], although she was never charged in either case.

 She also joined the May 19th Communist Organization, which worked in support of the Black Liberation Army and its offshoots (including assistance in armored truck robberies), the Weather Underground and other revolutionary organizations.[11]....The Weather Underground Organization (WUO), commonly known as the Weather Underground, was a radical left militant organization active in the late 1960s and 1970s, founded on the Ann Arbor campus of the University of Michigan. It was originally called the Weathermen....The FBI classified the WUO as a domestic terrorist group...

Rosenberg was sentenced to 58 years' imprisonment on the weapons and explosives charges. She spent 16 years in prison, ...

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Susan_Rosenberg
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Weather_Underground
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Re: GEORGE FLOYD - Riots Go Nationwide
« Reply #55 on: August 11, 2020, 11:29:28 am »
Black Lives Matter is a Domestic Terrorist Organization | Change My Mind


Steven Crowder takes to the streets of Austin to have real conversations with real people. In this installment, Steven posits that Black Lives Matter is a domestic terrorist organization.

1 hour 7 minutes

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Re: GEORGE FLOYD - Riots Go Nationwide
« Reply #56 on: September 04, 2020, 09:50:32 am »
The BLM Connection to Witchcraft


BLM leaders practice 'witchcraft' and summon dead spirits, black activist claims


A black conservative Christian podcast host has claimed that the Black Lives Matter movement engages in “witchcraft” and called on Christians who have allied themselves with the organization to rethink their decision.

Abraham Hamilton III, who hosts “The Hamilton Corner” on the socially conservative American Family Radio, devoted the Aug. 19 episode of his program to highlighting “The BLM Connection to Witchcraft.”

Throughout the podcast, Hamilton argued that Black Lives Matter was not merely another social justice advocacy organization. Instead, he argues that it is a religious movement.

Hamilton, who serves as the American Family Association’s public policy analyst, began the podcast by criticizing the Black Lives Matter movement as a “Marxist, anti-Christ, anti-family, [and] anti-man organization.”

“What we are witnessing is a copy and paste of the Bolshevik Revolution from Russia just applied into an American context,” he contended.

After reminding his listeners that Patrisse Cullors, one of the co-founders of the Black Lives Matter movement, described herself as a “trained Marxist,” Hamilton read aloud a quote from Cullors explaining her point of view on spirituality.

“I’m calling for spirituality to be deeply radical," Cullors said. “We’re not just having a social justice movement, this is a spiritual movement.”

Hamilton played audio from a “Zoom-type conversation” between Cullors and Dr. Melina Abdullah, a professor of African studies at California State University Los Angeles who founded the group’s L.A. chapter.

“We’ve become very intimate with the spirits that we call on regularly,” Abdullah said in the clip. “Each of them seems to have a different presence and personality. You know, I laugh a lot with Wakiesha … I didn’t meet her in her body, right? I met her through this work.”

The “Wakiesha” mentioned by Abdullah refers to Wakiesha Wilson, an African-American woman who was found dead in a Los Angeles jail back in 2016.

Hamilton argues that the conversation proved that Black Lives Matter leaders were “summoning the spirits of the dead [and] using the power of the spirits of the dead in order to give them the ability to do what they’re calling the so-called justice work.”

Hamilton stated that those leaders seeking to summon the spirits of the dead are adhering to “the Yoruba religion of Ifa.”

“They are summoning dead spirits,” he said. “One of the touchstones of this religious practice is ancestral worship. Guess what the Bible calls that folks? Witchcraft.”

“I started to feel personally connected and responsible and accountable to them, both from a deeply political place but also from a deeply spiritual place,” Cullors said. “In my tradition, you offer things that your loved one who passed away would want, whether it’s like honey or tobacco, things like that.”

“It’s so important, not just for us, to be in direct relationship to our people who have passed, but also for them to know we’ve remembered them,” she added. “I believe so many of them work through us.”

Abdullah said that the first thing people do when they hear of murder is “pray” and “pour libation we built with the community where the person’s life was stolen.”

“And it took almost a year for me to realize that this movement is much more than a racial and social justice movement,” Abdullah said. “At its core, it’s a spiritual movement because we’re literally standing on spilled blood.”

The women proceeded to discuss the meaning behind one of the most common chants associated with the Black Lives Matter movement: “Say her name.”

“When we say the names, right, so we speak their names, we say her name, say their names, we do that all the time, that you kind of invoke that spirit. And then those spirits actually become present with you,” Abdullah added.

Hamilton contended that Abdullah and others “really believe that the names of the folks that they are saying have become ancestral gods.”

Cullors said that “spirituality is at the center of Black Lives Matter.”

“I think that’s not just for us. I feel like so many leaders and so many organizers are deeply engaged in … a pretty important spiritual practice,” she said. “I don’t think … I could do this work without that. I don’t think I could do it as long as I’ve done it and as consistently. It feels like if I didn’t do that, it would be antithetical to this work.”

Hamilton mentioned the chants as an example of “spiritual wickedness” that the Apostle Paul warned about in Ephesians 6:12.

In condemning BLM’s spiritual practices, Hamilton cited Deuteronomy 18. The Old Testament chapter describes those who practice witchcraft or call upon the dead as “detestable to the Lord.”

Before opening up the phone lines to his listeners, Hamilton delivered a message to Christians and churches who have embraced the Black Lives Matter movement.

“How can you reconcile that with what the word of God says?” he asked. “We have got to evaluate everything through the word of God.”


https://www.christianpost.com/news/blm-leaders-practice-witchcraft-and-summon-dead-spirits-black-activist-warns.html

BLM leaders are being invited into school classrooms to teach this to children.
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Re: GEORGE FLOYD - Riots Go Nationwide
« Reply #57 on: September 09, 2020, 09:26:24 pm »

https://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2020/september-web-only/cut-stone-confederate-monuments-ryan-newson.html








Monuments Can Be Destroyed, but Not Forgotten













Our most controversial stone statues carry layers of communal history that aren’t easily cast aside.


In the Hebrew Scriptures, stone monuments are earthen witnesses to a sacred covenant. When Jacob contractually maneuvered himself out from under his father-in-law Laban, he set up a pillar in the highlands of Gilead. It was supposed to be a reminder of a legal separation, but the fragility of the peace was underscored by the dueling names given to the monument: Jacob’s in the Hebrew tongue, Laban’s in Aramaic. The monument was barely dedicated before it became an object of linguistic civil war.

What’s old is new again. Disputes over historical markers and their meanings are simply the continuance of culture war by other means. Theologian Ryan Andrew Newson wrote his new book Cut in Stone: Confederate Monuments and Theological Disruption in the wake of the 2017 protests and counter-protests in Charlottesville, Virginia. Thousands of organized white nationalists infamously marched through the University of Virginia campus chanting language—“White Lives Matter!” “Blood and Soil!”—charged with centuries of racial supremacy. The material cause for the march was the threatened removal of a statue of Confederate General Robert E. Lee. Erected in 1924, the statue presented a genteel, handsome Lee—hat in hand, martial but not militaristic. The stone general is resigned but undefeated, like the Lost Cause he represents.

The statue lasted decades in the city center without scrutiny, but in the 21st century, it struck some as strange to venerate the leader of a rebellion devoted to the preservation of chattel slavery. Newson’s book delves into the history of Confederate monuments like this one, asking what sort of political ideology—or theology—underwrites them. What did these monuments—often constructed many decades after Lee resigned at Appomattox—mean for the communities that created them? What gave them their near-sacred value? And what is the appropriate political and theological response to markers of a contested American legacy? Can you—should you—erase a moral tragedy?

Remembering a Tragic History
When they were originally constructed, monuments to Confederate leaders and soldiers were remarkably free of cultural guilt. Hundreds of statues appeared in over 30 states in the aftermath of Reconstruction, as the South began to rehabilitate its image—and historical memory. As Newson points out in fascinating detail, the Confederacy was re-memorialized decades after its military defeat. Monument construction was most intense from 1890 to 1950, a span of time that unsurprisingly coincides with Jim Crow.

Other defeated nations and causes have wrestled with how to remember a tragic history. Germany after the Second World War underwent a therapy of historical penance that continues even today. The Confederacy, however, did not. Its monuments served a “palliative” purpose, Newson argues, aiming to “alleviate collective suffering without addressing the root cause of the pain.” So the stone figures stood as reminders of the genteel honor and heroic manhood of figures such as Lee, Stonewall Jackson, and Jefferson Davis—eliding their militant defense of chattel slavery. With these symbolic moves, the memory of slavery was quickly shunted into the distant past, even as its system of involuntary unpaid labor shifted from the plantation to the chain gang in the late-19th century and the systemic incarceration of African Americans in the 20th.

As a historical project, Cut in Stone focuses on the Reconstruction-era South, but Newson’s theological analysis touches more broadly on the nature of historical memory and the moral obligations of a political community that is still haunted by the sins of its fathers. Newson’s book was published in the middle of the summer of 2020—a wry moment of providence if ever there was one. While Charlottesville in 2017 provides the backdrop to the book, more recent events have made its subject matter even timelier.

I was invited to review Newson’s book the day that statues of Christopher Columbus were removed from Grant Park and Arrigo Park in my hometown of Chicago. A week prior, a confrontation between protesters and police had centered on the statue in Grant Park. As protestors attempted to topple Columbus by force, multiple people on both sides of the conflict were injured.

In the early-20th century, the monuments had been commissioned by Italian-American communities in Chicago to memorialize the Genoese explorer, who at that time evoked a spirit of exploration and American destiny. Forgotten for centuries was Columbus’s brutal subjugation of indigenous peoples—not to mention the mercenary motivations of his transatlantic voyages.

There’s a reason political communities—and movements—make myths about themselves. And not all of them are formed in malice or bad faith. We typically retell the story of the civil rights movement in heightened rhetoric that foregrounds its best ideals while leaving other details—including the moral peccadillos of its leaders—in the shadows. Only recently have we begun to tell the stories of grassroots figures like Ida B. Wells and Fannie Lou Hamer in addition to chronicling the (sometimes problematic) charismatic male leadership of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X. When a narrative has been told for decades, or centuries, it takes of lot of intention to reorder historical memory.

In Charlottesville and Chicago, historical myths finally ****. The stone figures of Lee and Columbus, for different reasons, were not mere historical memories, but witnesses to some deeper sense of national or ethnic identity.

One of the blind spots of modern liberalism—the political philosophy, not the ideology—is its studied obliviousness to the sacral elements of social life and national identity. There’s a reason that the debate over stone structures reaches the fevered pitch that it does. You find out what a community reveres when the removal of its earthen symbols triggers charges of disrespect, violation, and even blasphemy. You find out what a revolution really seeks when you notice what the iconoclasts want to destroy.

Newson is appropriately circumspect when asking what the proper social or theological response ought to be toward Confederate monuments. There is no way to continue honoring the noblesse oblige of figures like Lee and Jackson without resorting to a moral naivete that is willfully ignorant of American history. The instinct to topple national idols is understandable. But does destruction lead to erasure? Is there a reason to remember the tragedies of American history in a way that acknowledges the complications of the past without giving honor where shame is due?

Handle with Care
This is where the virtue of prudence comes in handy, as virtues do. How do we distinguish among the different symbols—what they portray and what they represent for a variety of communities? If we decide collectively that honorific statues of Confederate military leaders should be removed, or perhaps limited to museum exhibits, should we do the same for Christopher Columbus, Thomas Jefferson, George Washington, or even Abraham Lincoln? All of these figures have come under scrutiny, often for good reasons.

On July 24th, the day Columbus came down in Chicago, one of the protestors made the statement that the statue symbolized negative values that the city needed to “acknowledge,” but also “divorce ourselves from.” The monument, she said, had “nothing to do with where Chicago is going and our future.” But that’s the tricky, sometimes awful thing about sacred symbols: Even though they are only made of stone, they carry layers of communal history that aren’t easily cast aside. Is it important to remember what Columbus represented to Italian-Americans at a time when they were also the victims of white supremacy? How does that piece of history need to be preserved once the idol has been toppled?

Chicago mayor Lori Lightfoot explained that the removal was “an effort to protect public safety and to preserve a safe space for an inclusive and democratic public dialogue about our city's symbols.” Which seems quite responsible in such tenuous and terrifying times. Putting a hold on things—providing space for deliberative liberalism to do what it does best—seems prudent.

And yet few, on the left or the right, seemed disposed to mimic the mayor’s temperament. Charges of lawlessness were thrown from one side, and charges of brutality and moral complicity from the other. Few seemed satisfied with the mayor’s actions—or if they were, they were reluctant to say it publicly.

Newson’s historical and theological analysis reminds us that a statue is rarely just a statue; stone pillars are usually consecrated to a cause—for better or worse. And while the past few summers of culture-warring haven’t come close to resolving every question of whether our most controversial monuments should stay up, come down, or go elsewhere, Cut in Stone provides a helpful framework for understanding the political and theological principles at stake.

Clearly, sacred objects ought to be handled carefully. And yet, sometimes their destruction—as with golden calves or stone tablets—is the more meaningful response. If Moses smashed stones etched by the divine hand in response to national idolatry, then what kind of iconoclasm calls to us today?








David Henreckson is the director of the Institute for Leadership and Service at Valparaiso University. He is the author of The Immortal Commonwealth: Covenant, Community, and Political Resistance in Early Reformed Thought.

guest8

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Re: GEORGE FLOYD - Riots Go Nationwide
« Reply #58 on: September 10, 2020, 09:09:53 am »

https://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2020/september-web-only/cut-stone-confederate-monuments-ryan-newson.html









Monuments Can Be Destroyed, but Not Forgotten













Our most controversial stone statues carry layers of communal history that aren’t easily cast aside.


In the Hebrew Scriptures, stone monuments are earthen witnesses to a sacred covenant. When Jacob contractually maneuvered himself out from under his father-in-law Laban, he set up a pillar in the highlands of Gilead. It was supposed to be a reminder of a legal separation, but the fragility of the peace was underscored by the dueling names given to the monument: Jacob’s in the Hebrew tongue, Laban’s in Aramaic. The monument was barely dedicated before it became an object of linguistic civil war.

What’s old is new again. Disputes over historical markers and their meanings are simply the continuance of culture war by other means. Theologian Ryan Andrew Newson wrote his new book Cut in Stone: Confederate Monuments and Theological Disruption in the wake of the 2017 protests and counter-protests in Charlottesville, Virginia. Thousands of organized white nationalists infamously marched through the University of Virginia campus chanting language—“White Lives Matter!” “Blood and Soil!”—charged with centuries of racial supremacy. The material cause for the march was the threatened removal of a statue of Confederate General Robert E. Lee. Erected in 1924, the statue presented a genteel, handsome Lee—hat in hand, martial but not militaristic. The stone general is resigned but undefeated, like the Lost Cause he represents.

The statue lasted decades in the city center without scrutiny, but in the 21st century, it struck some as strange to venerate the leader of a rebellion devoted to the preservation of chattel slavery. Newson’s book delves into the history of Confederate monuments like this one, asking what sort of political ideology—or theology—underwrites them. What did these monuments—often constructed many decades after Lee resigned at Appomattox—mean for the communities that created them? What gave them their near-sacred value? And what is the appropriate political and theological response to markers of a contested American legacy? Can you—should you—erase a moral tragedy?

Remembering a Tragic History
When they were originally constructed, monuments to Confederate leaders and soldiers were remarkably free of cultural guilt. Hundreds of statues appeared in over 30 states in the aftermath of Reconstruction, as the South began to rehabilitate its image—and historical memory. As Newson points out in fascinating detail, the Confederacy was re-memorialized decades after its military defeat. Monument construction was most intense from 1890 to 1950, a span of time that unsurprisingly coincides with Jim Crow.

Other defeated nations and causes have wrestled with how to remember a tragic history. Germany after the Second World War underwent a therapy of historical penance that continues even today. The Confederacy, however, did not. Its monuments served a “palliative” purpose, Newson argues, aiming to “alleviate collective suffering without addressing the root cause of the pain.” So the stone figures stood as reminders of the genteel honor and heroic manhood of figures such as Lee, Stonewall Jackson, and Jefferson Davis—eliding their militant defense of chattel slavery. With these symbolic moves, the memory of slavery was quickly shunted into the distant past, even as its system of involuntary unpaid labor shifted from the plantation to the chain gang in the late-19th century and the systemic incarceration of African Americans in the 20th.

As a historical project, Cut in Stone focuses on the Reconstruction-era South, but Newson’s theological analysis touches more broadly on the nature of historical memory and the moral obligations of a political community that is still haunted by the sins of its fathers. Newson’s book was published in the middle of the summer of 2020—a wry moment of providence if ever there was one. While Charlottesville in 2017 provides the backdrop to the book, more recent events have made its subject matter even timelier.

I was invited to review Newson’s book the day that statues of Christopher Columbus were removed from Grant Park and Arrigo Park in my hometown of Chicago. A week prior, a confrontation between protesters and police had centered on the statue in Grant Park. As protestors attempted to topple Columbus by force, multiple people on both sides of the conflict were injured.

In the early-20th century, the monuments had been commissioned by Italian-American communities in Chicago to memorialize the Genoese explorer, who at that time evoked a spirit of exploration and American destiny. Forgotten for centuries was Columbus’s brutal subjugation of indigenous peoples—not to mention the mercenary motivations of his transatlantic voyages.

There’s a reason political communities—and movements—make myths about themselves. And not all of them are formed in malice or bad faith. We typically retell the story of the civil rights movement in heightened rhetoric that foregrounds its best ideals while leaving other details—including the moral peccadillos of its leaders—in the shadows. Only recently have we begun to tell the stories of grassroots figures like Ida B. Wells and Fannie Lou Hamer in addition to chronicling the (sometimes problematic) charismatic male leadership of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X. When a narrative has been told for decades, or centuries, it takes of lot of intention to reorder historical memory.

In Charlottesville and Chicago, historical myths finally ****. The stone figures of Lee and Columbus, for different reasons, were not mere historical memories, but witnesses to some deeper sense of national or ethnic identity.

One of the blind spots of modern liberalism—the political philosophy, not the ideology—is its studied obliviousness to the sacral elements of social life and national identity. There’s a reason that the debate over stone structures reaches the fevered pitch that it does. You find out what a community reveres when the removal of its earthen symbols triggers charges of disrespect, violation, and even blasphemy. You find out what a revolution really seeks when you notice what the iconoclasts want to destroy.

Newson is appropriately circumspect when asking what the proper social or theological response ought to be toward Confederate monuments. There is no way to continue honoring the noblesse oblige of figures like Lee and Jackson without resorting to a moral naivete that is willfully ignorant of American history. The instinct to topple national idols is understandable. But does destruction lead to erasure? Is there a reason to remember the tragedies of American history in a way that acknowledges the complications of the past without giving honor where shame is due?

Handle with Care
This is where the virtue of prudence comes in handy, as virtues do. How do we distinguish among the different symbols—what they portray and what they represent for a variety of communities? If we decide collectively that honorific statues of Confederate military leaders should be removed, or perhaps limited to museum exhibits, should we do the same for Christopher Columbus, Thomas Jefferson, George Washington, or even Abraham Lincoln? All of these figures have come under scrutiny, often for good reasons.

On July 24th, the day Columbus came down in Chicago, one of the protestors made the statement that the statue symbolized negative values that the city needed to “acknowledge,” but also “divorce ourselves from.” The monument, she said, had “nothing to do with where Chicago is going and our future.” But that’s the tricky, sometimes awful thing about sacred symbols: Even though they are only made of stone, they carry layers of communal history that aren’t easily cast aside. Is it important to remember what Columbus represented to Italian-Americans at a time when they were also the victims of white supremacy? How does that piece of history need to be preserved once the idol has been toppled?

Chicago mayor Lori Lightfoot explained that the removal was “an effort to protect public safety and to preserve a safe space for an inclusive and democratic public dialogue about our city's symbols.” Which seems quite responsible in such tenuous and terrifying times. Putting a hold on things—providing space for deliberative liberalism to do what it does best—seems prudent.

And yet few, on the left or the right, seemed disposed to mimic the mayor’s temperament. Charges of lawlessness were thrown from one side, and charges of brutality and moral complicity from the other. Few seemed satisfied with the mayor’s actions—or if they were, they were reluctant to say it publicly.

Newson’s historical and theological analysis reminds us that a statue is rarely just a statue; stone pillars are usually consecrated to a cause—for better or worse. And while the past few summers of culture-warring haven’t come close to resolving every question of whether our most controversial monuments should stay up, come down, or go elsewhere, Cut in Stone provides a helpful framework for understanding the political and theological principles at stake.

Clearly, sacred objects ought to be handled carefully. And yet, sometimes their destruction—as with golden calves or stone tablets—is the more meaningful response. If Moses smashed stones etched by the divine hand in response to national idolatry, then what kind of iconoclasm calls to us today?








David Henreckson is the director of the Institute for Leadership and Service at Valparaiso University. He is the author of The Immortal Commonwealth: Covenant, Community, and Political Resistance in Early Reformed Thought.


Only in Democratic controls cities.,...

Blade
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Re: GEORGE FLOYD - Riots Go Nationwide
« Reply #59 on: September 12, 2020, 12:34:42 am »
Language warning

BLM "Protesters" Terrorize Restaurant Diners In Rochester New York

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guest17

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Re: GEORGE FLOYD - Riots Go Nationwide
« Reply #60 on: September 14, 2020, 08:30:03 am »
Bill Maher attacks media's defense of rioting: 'I'm not down with' rioters destroying property
Emma Colton 18 hrs ago


Comedian Bill Maher attacked the media’s defense of the rioting taking place in cities such as Portland or Seattle.

"I'm not down with this 'property's on the table as something we can just take because things are not right,'" Maher said Friday on his show Real Time while speaking to CNN White House correspondent Jessica Yellin.

"Where is the mass destruction of property happening right now?" Yellin asked.

Maher said that the damage is repeatedly on the news, prompting Yellin to say rioting in Portland has only affected “two square blocks.”

"There is a view. It is in the media," Maher said. "Please, I know you've seen it. Don't look at me like I am making this up — that somehow this is a justifiable approach."

Yellin also said that the riots and looting are a “sideshow” ahead of November’s election, which Maher shut down as not being the case for business owners.

"It may be a sideshow unless it's your business that got wiped out," Maher said. "I mean, if it's your business, then it's not a sideshow."

https://www.msn.com/en-us/tv/news/bill-maher-attacks-media-s-defense-of-rioting-i-m-not-down-with-rioters-destroying-property/ar-BB18ZBoK?ocid=msedgntp
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Re: GEORGE FLOYD - Riots Go Nationwide
« Reply #61 on: September 14, 2020, 09:11:36 am »

LA hospital treating ambushed deputies inundated by protesters: ‘We hope they die’
September 13, 2020


LA County Sheriffs

@LASDHQ
·
Sep 12, 2020
Replying to @LASDHQ
Update: One male deputy and one female deputy were ambushed as they sat in their patrol vehicle. Both sustained multiple gunshot wounds and are in critical condition. They are both currently undergoing surgery. The suspect is still at large.

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LA County Sheriffs

@LASDHQ

Update: The gunman walked up on the deputies and opened fire without warning or provocation.

Anti-police protesters descended on a Los Angeles hospital where two deputies were fighting for their lives after being ambushed and shot in the head — chanting, “we hope they die,” according to officials.

The sick chants came outside as the two rookie officers — one a 31-year-old mother of a six year-old boy — were still fighting for their lives after being “critically injured” as they sat in their patrol car in the caught-on-camera ambush in Compton.

“To the protesters blocking the entrance & exit of the HOSPITAL EMERGENCY ROOM yelling ‘We hope they die’ referring to 2 LA Sheriff’s ambushed today in #Compton: DO NOT BLOCK EMERGENCY ENTRIES & EXITS TO THE HOSPITAL,” Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department tweeted early Sunday.

“People’s lives are at stake when ambulances can’t get through.”

Officers branded the protest an unlawful assembly, and arrested two people who refused to move — including a reporter without credentials who “ran towards the deputies, ignored repeated commands to stay back” and “interfered with the arrest,” the department said.

LAist identified the reporter as its own Josie Huang, who said she was released early Sunday and would address the sheriff’s office claims soon.

The ambushed cops were not named, but were revealed to be officers who had served just over a year in the department. One was a 31-year-old female officer, the other a 24-year-old male, the Los Angeles Times said.

They were “ambushed by a gunman in a cowardly fashion,” Sheriff Alex Villanueva said at a press conference, calling it “a somber reminder that this is a dangerous job.”

“Every week across the nation someone is losing their life in the line of duty,” he said. “This is just another grim reminder of that.”
Assemblyman Reggie Jones-Sawyer caught it an “unprovoked cowardly act.”

“We must come together and pray for the officers because they are heroes,” he said at the same press conference.
LAPD Chief Michael Moore tweeted his prayers that the “two guardians” survive.

“I recognize and acknowledge we live in troubled times. But we must as a community work thru our differences while loudly and resoundly condemn violence,” he tweeted. “Blessed are the Peacemakers.”

The FBI is assisting in the investigation. There have yet to be any arrests and it was not immediately clear if any suspects have been identified, the L.A. Times.

https://nypost.com/2020/09/13/la-hospital-treating-deputies-inundated-by-protesters/
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