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Author Topic: Anglo-American Narco World Order  (Read 5671 times)

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Gary Webb - Dark alliance
« Reply #13 on: January 07, 2019, 12:33:10 pm »
The sub topic on which I have most information to post in this thread is the cocaine importing orchestrated by Oliver North for the Reagan/Bush White House in which the Governor of Arkansas Bill Clinton was also involved.
It shows that the whole Iran-Contra affair was a cover-up of the ugly truth that the CIA was making the crack epidemic of the 1980s happen, and used the proceeds to finance the Contras in Nicaragua. Also some other Latin American countries were involved (notably the Panama of Dictator Manuel Noriega).

Maybe Gary Webb’s book that I present in this post is a better book than the others in this thread because Webb presents almost an overkill of evidence. The result is that it’s too long for people that rather wait for the movie than read a book (the PDF counts 867 pages).

Gary Webb is one of the suspicious deaths of the Clinton-Bush bodycount; on 9 December 2004 he was suicided. Conveniently Webb’s suicide letter was typed.
According to Coroner Robert Lyons: “It’s unusual in a suicide case to have two shots, but it has been done in the past, and it is in fact a distinct possibility”.
Webb was found with 2 bullets from a 38 calibre revolver in his head ((some claim even 3 pistol shots).
One of the sources Webb had based his story on, Ricky Ross, spoke to Webb in the days before his death. Webb had told him that he was working on a new story concerning the CIA and drug trafficking: http://www.rense.com/general60/move.htm

I will to summarise the book, by presenting the most interesting names, with some additional information. And some nice pictures.

In March 1981, Ronald Reagan authorised the CIA to explore ways of aiding the Contras. By November 1981, the Contra project was already running, and the CIA made its sponsorship of the FDN official. Reagan approved the plans and in December 1981 sent CIA director William Casey to present it to Congress, saying that the covert operations for Nicaragua were in the interest of US national security.
From 1981 to 1984, the CIA helped the Contras directly, by providing weapons, money, training, planning strategy and tactics, and keeping tabs on its hirelings.

The Contras became too controversial (if I understand correctly about some minor technicalities like murdering some innocent people). On Christmas Eve 1982 the Boland amendment passed the House by a vote of 411–0. It looked like Congress was cracking down the Contra project, by cutting funding, but without actually doing so.
By early 1983, CIA dollars were pouring into Honduras and Costa Rica, which benefitted the Contras. But the money the Contras received wasn’t nearly enough to finance the growing military organisation. The CIA recruited Norwin Meneses so that drug sales could be used to support the Contras.
Ronald Reagan installed Oliver North to arrange the details.
The following picture shows from right to left Ronald Reagan, Oliver North, Adolfo Calero (CIA operative installed as FDN commander) on 4 April 1985.

In the following picture are Adolfo Calero (centre) and drug lord Norwin Meneses on the far right, around June 1984

With the assistance of lawyer and then CIA-director William Casey, Oliver North created a network of offshore bank accounts to conceal the source of the drugs money.
When the Boland Amendment went into effect in October 1984, day-to-day control of the Contra project passed to the Reagan White House and Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North at the National Security Council. The US government was business partners with cocaine traffickers.
Norwin Meneses' cocaine was smuggled to the USA in military transport planes.

In June 1985, on a yacht in the Pacific port of Balboa, North and Manuel Noriega made a deal that Panama would help to support the Contras; particularly by making airbases located in Panama available for the drugs for arms pipeline.
The Columbian drug trafficker, George Morales, testified that in March 1984 in Fort Lauderdale he talked with 3 Contras close to the CIA, Octaviano Cesar, Adolfo "Popo" Chamorro and Marcos Aguado, who asked him to support the Contras and told him they worked for the CIA. Cesar and Aguado (old friends of Meneses) promised Morales that they could help make his “legal problems disappear”.
Aguado, the chief pilot for the ARDE Contra forces in Costa Rica, was identified in a 1987 congressional testimony as a CIA agent.
Morales said planeloads of weapons were flown to a ranch in Costa Rica owned by CIA-operative John Hull; a training area for Contra soldiers. After the arms were dropped off, large green duffel bags stuffed with cocaine from the Contras were loaded aboard and flown back to the United States, usually to the public airport at Opa Locka, Florida. A pilot, Gary "Hippie" Betzner, testified that their flights were protected by the CIA.

In 1984, at a top-level meeting with DEA officials in Washington, North shocked the room by suggesting that $1.5 million in cocaine cash the DEA planned to seize from the Medellin cartel should be turned over to the Contras.
A $10 million donation from the Medellin cartel to the Contras was arranged by Carlos Lehder and paid to the Cuban (former) CIA agent Felix Rodriguez. Here’s a picture of George H.W. Bush and Rodriguez.

Oliver North used Rob Owen to carry out orders and inform him on the CIA’s operation in Central and South America. In this way North could keep his hands clean.
According to Oliver North’s personal notes in July and August 1985 he was informed of the drugs trafficking by the Contras: https://nsarchive.wordpress.com/2015/04/07/the-dark-alliance-declassified/
North summarised a meeting with Rob Owen on 9 August 1985 and wrote down in his notebook:
Honduran DC-6 which is being used for runs out of New Orleans is probably being used for drug runs into U.S.

Manuel Noriega was the dictator of Panama that helped in the cocaine trafficking; he suddenly became an enemy of the USA and was sentenced to prison.
In 1988, Noriega's pilots would fly up weapons for the Contras along with the drugs, leaving the guns behind in Costa Rica, and dumping the drugs in Louisiana and Texas.

Norwin Meneses Cantarero came from Nicaragua to the USA in 1979 (he settled in Miami), and later moved to Costa Rica.
In the 1980s, Meneses and Blandón became the biggest cocaine suppliers for the USA; both were working for (one or both of) the DEA and CIA.
In 1982 and 1983, Blandón and Meneses brought 3 or 4 planeloads of cocaine from Miami to Los Angeles. Each one of those loads ranged between 200 and 400 kilos. These flights continued until at least 1984.
When Meneses lived in Costa Rica he was dealing cocaine for the Contras. Meneses was one of the first economic supporters of the FDN in Costa Rica.

Both to the Costa Rican authorities and the DEA knew that Norwin Meneses was a drug lord. The DEA was informed of Meneses' Costa Rican drug operations in February 1984.
According to Contra supporter Dennis Ainsworth: Meneses was protected by the US government.
Enrique Miranda Jaime, who became Meneses' emissary to the cartels of Colombia in the late 1980s, testified in his 1992 trial in Nicaragua that:
Norwin was selling drugs and tunnelled the benefits to the Contras with help of high-ranking military officials of the Salvadoran Army, especially with the help of the head of the Salvadoran Air Force and a Nicaraguan pilot named Marcos Aguado.
In 1992 Meneses was sentenced to prison. In January 1996, Gary Webb interviewed Meneses in the Tipitapa prison outside Managua.

On 5 July 5 1979 Oscar Danilo Blandón Reyes arrived at LAX from Nicaragua; he became partners with Norwin Meneses and used Ricky Ross to sell cocaine in Los Angeles.
The Colombians advanced Blandón 15 kilos (worth about $885,000). He started out with 15 kilos a month and within a couple months had progressed to 30 kilos a month. According to Meneses between 1980 and 1991 Blandón moved some 50,000 kilograms of cocaine to the USA.
Blandón's DEA case agent, Charles Jones, stated in 1995 that Mr. Blandón was considered the largest Nicaraguan cocaine dealer in the United States.
Blandón’s attorney, Bradley Brunon, said in court in 1992 that the DEA knew already in 1981 of Blandón's dope dealing.
Blandón set both Meneses and Rocky Ross up, in return for a relatively small prison sentence. Blandón walked out of jail on 19 September 1994 after serving only 28 months for 10 years of cocaine trafficking.

Ricky “Freeway” Donnell Ross was selling between 1,000,000 and 1,250,000 doses of crack every single month in Los Angeles (20–25 rocks of crack per gram of powder, 20,000 to 25,000 per kilogram). At seven kilos a day, Ross was moving more than 200 kilos of cocaine every single month. That meant he was pumping out around 165,000 vials of crack a day (5 million rocks a month).
When in 1987 things got a little too hot for Ricky Ross in LA, he moved to Cincinnati. Pretty soon Blandón made him an offer he couldn’t refuse. Ross asked some of his associates to come over from LA, and took over the cocaine business not only of Cincinnati, but also Toledo, Cleveland, Columbus, Hamilton, Middle-town, Fairfield, Ohio, Indianapolis, St. Louis, Atlanta, Texas, and even in faraway Seattle.
Ross said he sold 300 or 400 kilos of Blandón's cocaine in the Midwest, netting around $2 million in profits.
When one of his dealers, Alphonso Jeffries, got locked up in prison, Ricky decided to go back home to LA in the fall of 1988.

Right at that moment the LAPD was doing something against crack. In 1988, the sheriff's office hauled in $33.9 million in cash and another $33 million in 1989 — along with 66 houses, 110 vehicles and 4 airplanes. In 1988, only the Majors had brought in 4,470 pounds of cocaine.
Alphonso Jeffries had turned government witness against Ricky Ross. When Ross was finally arrested, the cops beat him up. Ross was asked to testify against the cops that had not only had beaten him up, but were also taking some of the money from the dealers. On 22 February 1990, a federal grand jury indicted 10 deputies on 27 counts of theft, tax evasion, and conspiracy, Ricky Ross the star witness in 1991.
Ross was released from federal prison in August 1993 and returned home to South Central. He still had another charge in Texas, to which he pleaded guilty, and re-entered prison in December 1993, until August 1994 when he was released.

Then Blandón contacted Ricky Ross numerous times. Ross said he wanted to stay clean, but found a normal job too difficult, and the profits too low. When his friend, Chico Brown, asked Ross to introduce him and his friend from Baltimore, Curtis James, to his dealer, in return for the $30,000 Ross had already loaned, and an additional $70,000 for his troubles, Ross introduced them to Blandón.
In late February 1995, Ross, Brown, and James were set up by government witness Blandón and were arrested. Ross's third strike; he was looking at a very long time in prison this time.
Gary Webb repeatedly interviewed Ricky Ross in prison for his book.

Gary Webb “Dark alliance - The CIA, the CONTRAS, and the CRACK COCAINE EXPLOSION” (1998): http://www.mediafire.com/file/kdayngc76n2s5sv/953236.pdf


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Kelso - Robert Vesco
« Reply #14 on: January 08, 2019, 12:01:46 pm »
Chapter 17 from Gary Webb’s book – We're going to blow your fucking head off – details the deposition by Joseph “Joe” Kelso.

In 1986, the federal government sent Kelso to Costa Rica to search for Robert Vesco. Kelso found Vesco’s private jet, parked in a hanger in San Jose. The storage bills for the jet were paid for by the owners of the cocaine dealing CIA front, Frigorificos de Puntarenas, that was used by Oliver North to funnel US government money to the Contras.
Kelso was taken to the US embassy, where DEA agents began copying the documents in his briefcase until Rob Owen (Oliver North’s aide) came in and took all the documents with him.

The Rothschild's Swiss offices of Banque Privee, Banca Privata in Lugano SA, and Rothschild Bank AG of Zurich ran (from behind the scenes) the Swiss branches of the notorious Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) and Banco Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL).
Alfred Hartmann, who headed the Swiss branches of both BCCI and BNL, had been a manager for Rothschild since 1983.
Hartmann also served as the chief financial officer of BCC Holding.
Georges Karlweis was on the board of both BCCI and BNL

In New York in the early 1960s Robert Vesco was picked up by Dr. Benjamin Payne, a financial adviser to the Rothschilds.
Payne, introduced Vesco to Georges Karlweis, the managing director of Edmond de Rothschild's Geneva merchant bank Banque Privee. In 1965, Karlweis provided Vesco with a "loan" that enabled him to buy the New Jersey defence-aerospace firm, Captive Seal, merging it with International Controls Corp (ICC). Two years later, Karlweis would provide a similar start-up capital to George Soros…

From the very beginning, in 1950, lOS was a front-operation for the Meyer Lansky organised crime syndicate, sponsored ostensibly by the New York City Dreyfus Fund.
Through his Rothschild connection, Vesco was also introduced to Henry Buhl III, heir to the General Motors fortune, and a board member of the Swiss Investors Overseas Services (IOS). Soon lOS's subsidiary lIT was swimming in ICC stock, and Vesco became even wealthier.

In April 1972, Vesco began to systematically loot IOS of its cash. Vesco was acting for the Rothschild, Lansky crime syndicate.
IOS officials knew, how first Cornfeld and then Vesco, were laundering money.

When IOS was finished, Drexel emerged to take its position.
Drexel was backed by Baron Edmond de Rothschild, who helped orchestrate Max Fisher's takeover of United Fruit Company in 1975. Fisher in turn helped bankroll Cincinnati businessman Carl Lindner, who became one of Drexel's primary front men in a series of takeovers of a string of US companies.
Lindner was joined by other Drexel clients, including Meshulim Riklis (of the Anti-Defamation League) who had helped Robert Vesco to take over lOS; Saul Steinberg (Jacob Rothschild’s business partner); Miami gangster Victor Posner; and hotel and media takeover specialist Laurence Tisch.

Ironically in 1994 the Drug Policy Foundation (DPF), America's leading pro-drug lobby group, announced that it would receive $10.5 million over the next 3 years from George Soros: http://www.larouchepub.com/eiw/public/1995/eirv22n26-19950623/eirv22n26-19950623_023-will_robert_vesco_spill_the_bean.pdf


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Kerry; Secret agreement CIA-DoJ
« Reply #15 on: January 09, 2019, 12:26:01 pm »
Webb collected an impressive amount of information for his book, but he wasn’t the first.
On 9 July 1987, 2 protesters, Michael L. Kreis and Michael E. Bardoff both from Baltimore, held up a banner "Ask about cocaine smuggling" during the Iran-Contra hearings, when Oliver North was lying under oath.
Kreis and Bardoff were arrested, we can’t have activists trying to expose the ugly truth, when the government is trying really hard to cover it up, can we?

While they were led away, they yelled things like:
What about the cocaine dealing that the U.S. is paying for?
Why don't you ask how many non-combatants have been killed by the . . . contras?
Why don't you ask questions about drug deliveries?

They were charged with “disrupting a congressional hearing and demonstrating within a Capitol building”.
Kreis and Bardoff were pronounced guilty in November 1987 (but only got a light sentence): http://articles.latimes.com/1987-07-09/news/mn-3196_1_contras

Maybe more interesting is the Committee led by Senator John Kerry, which concluded in a report released on 13 April 1989:
That individuals who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking and the Contras knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers, including cash, weapons, planes, pilots, air supply services and other materials.

Participation of narcotics traffickers in Contra supply operations through business relationships with Contra organisations.
the CIA's Chief of the Central American Task Force went on to say: We knew that everybody around Pastora was involved in cocaine ... His staff and friends (redacted) they were drug smugglers or involved in drug smuggling.
The US State Department paid over $806,000, authorised by Congress, to known drug traffickers to “carry humanitarian assistance to the Contras”. In some cases after the traffickers had already been indicted by federal law enforcement agencies on drug charges, in others while traffickers were under active investigation by these same agencies: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kerry_Committee_report

In March 1998, the CIA Inspector General testified that from 1982 to 1995 there had been a secret agreement between CIA and the Justice Department that the CIA didn’t have to report drugs offenses by its assets.
The actual request from Central Intelligence Agency Director William J. Casey to Attorney General William French Smith to exclude “narcotics violations” from the “reportable offenses” is still kept secret.

Here’s the reply by William French Smith to William Casey, dated 11 February 1982:
Dear Bill:

Thank you for your letter regarding the procedures governing the reporting and use of information concerning federal crimes. I have reviewed the draft of the procedures that accompanied your letter and, in particular, the minor changes made in the draft that I had previously sent to you. These proposed changes are acceptable and, therefore, I have signed the procedures.

I have been advised that a question arose regarding the need to add narcotics violations to the list of reportable non-employee crimes (Section IV). 21 U.S.C. 874(h) provides that `[w]hen requested by the Attorney General, it shall be the duty of any agency or instrumentality of the Federal Government to furnish assistance to him for carrying out his functions under [the Controlled Substances Act] . . .' Section 1.8(b) of Executive Order 12333 tasks the Central Intelligence Agency to `collect, produce and disseminate intelligence on foreign aspects of narcotics production and trafficking.' Moreover, authorization for the dissemination of information concerning narcotics violations to law enforcement agencies, including the Department of Justice, is provided by sections 2.3(c) and (i) and 2.6(b) of the Order. In light of these provisions, and in view of the fine cooperation the Drug Enforcement Administration has received from CIA, no formal requirement regarding the reporting of narcotics violations has been included in these procedures. We look forward to the CIA's continuing cooperation with the Department of Justice in this area.

In view of our agreement regarding the procedure, I have instructed my Counsel for Intelligence Policy to circulate a copy which I have executed to each of the other agencies covered by the procedures in order that they may be signed by the head of each such agency.

William French Smith

Casey in reply thanked French Smith, dated 2 March 1982:
I am pleased that these procedures, which I believe strike the proper balance between enforcement of the law and protection of intelligence sources and methods, will now be forwarded to other agencies.

From 2 March 1982 to 3 August 1995, a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the Attorney General and the DCI under Executive Order 12333 excluded reporting narcotics violations for "non-employees" of the CIA (like assets and independent contractors).
This MOU was made public by Representative Maxine Waters (who did her own investigation on the drugs trafficking by the CIA in the wake of the Dark Alliance series by Gary Webb) on 7 May 1998.

See the following definition for "employee" from the MOU:
C. `Employee' means:
1. A staff employee or contract employee of an Agency;
2. Former officers or employees of an Agency, for purposes of offenses committed during their employment; and
3. Former officers or employees of an Agency, for offenses involving a violation of 18 U.S.C. 207

Then in Section “IV. NON-EMPLOYEE REPORTABLE OFFENSES” is prescribed which offenses by “non-employees” are “reportable”, the list excludes narcotics offenses.

That secret understanding remained in effect until August of 1995, when Attorney General Janet Reno rescinded the agreement. The 1995 MOU didn´t exclude drugs crimes (for non-employees).

The original documents were removed from the internet. Its text is available on the following archive link: http://archive.li/csck8


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Re: Anglo-American Narco World Order
« Reply #16 on: January 10, 2019, 11:45:02 am »
See the video about the Cocaine  Importing Agency, compiled by James Corbett (36:59).
It includes interviews with “Freeway” Ricky Ross and Gary Webb (from 2003, 2004).
Ricky Ross made $2 million dollars a day in his top period.
On 14 December 2004, Kevin Booth calls Ricky Ross in prison to tell him that Gary Webb was “suicided”. Ross tells that Webb was looking forward to the future, his phone was tapped, people were following him, and when he got home at night there were “government people” people snooping around.
Gary Webb was still investigating the case.

There were some links with the video, amongst others to official documents from the NSA: http://nsarchive2.gwu.edu//NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/index.html
(archived here: http://archive.fo/vBkYt)

On 10 February 1986, Rob Owen ("TC") wrote North ("BG") regarding a plane, belonging to the Miami-based company Vortex, run by Michael Palmer, one of the largest marijuana traffickers in the US. Palmer received over $300,000 from the Nicaraguan Humanitarian Aid Office (NHAO) - an office overseen by Oliver North, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Elliott Abrams, and CIA officer Alan Fiers - to ferry “supplies” to the contras.

Reagan administration officials interceded on behalf of José Bueso Rosa, a Honduran general who was involved with the CIA's contra operations. In 1984, Bueso and co-conspirators hatched a plan to assassinate Honduran President Roberto Suazo Córdoba; to be financed with a $40 million cocaine shipment to the United States, which the FBI intercepted in Florida, after which Reagan interfered in his trial to give him a relatively light sentence: http://nsarchive2.gwu.edu//NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/docs/doc13.pdf

An import source for information to Gary Webb, were the 1990 court testimonies of Fabio Ernesto Carrasco, a pilot for the Columbian drug smuggler George Morales. Carrasco testified that in 1984 and 1985, he piloted planes loaded with weapons to the Contras in Costa Rica. On the return flights, drugs were flown to the US.
Carrasco also testified that Morales provided "several million dollars" to Octaviano Cesar and Adolfo "Popo" Chamorro, who worked with the head of the Contras' southern front, Eden Pastora.  Chamorro told him that he had called his CIA control officer to ask if the Contras could accept money and arms from Morales, who was under indictment for cocaine smuggling, which "was fine".
See the 3 images from this official document: http://nsarchive2.gwu.edu//NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/docs/doc17.pdf


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Castillo – Powderburns; Robert Morrow
« Reply #17 on: January 11, 2019, 11:46:42 am »
On with another “whistleblower” former DEA agent Celerino Castillo III. I’m not sure about Castillo, who tries very hard to portray himself as an all-American hero. The problem with his book is that the most important “evidence” comes from other public sources.
According to Castillo he was an important source for Webb...

Castillo claims that he "quickly discovered that the Contra pilots were, indeed, smuggling narcotics back into the United States”.
Castillo attempted to seek justice, by reporting on Oliver North and George H.W Bush on 24 March 1986. Castillo found that Craig Chretien was one of the agents sent to El Salvador to squash his reports.
Castillo was asked to keep his file on the Contras open, so that Walsh's Iran-Contra investigators could be denied access to the reports under the Freedom of Information Act.
So he filed a report, but where are the details?

When Castillo met Bush, he said to him:
There’s some funny things going on with the Contras in El Salvador.
Bush didn’t reply but walked away, seeking another hand to shake. Castillo claims that this is evidence that Bush knew about the drug trafficking. See Celerino Castillo with George H.W. Bush, 14 January 1986.

In 1994, Castillo went on the road to stop Oliver North’s Virginia Senate campaign – Castillo claims he was able to stop North...

After Castillo arrived in Guatemala, Stia described the covert US operation with the Nicaraguan rebels, run out of Ilopango air base near San Salvador by Marine Lt. Colonel Oliver North:
Be careful what you do up there. Don't interfere in their operation.
Sofi told Castillo about big cocaine loads from Guatemala to Miami. Where are the details?

One time, missiles destined for the Contras were seized by the Hondurans.
A phone call from Reagan convinced President Roberto Sauzo Cordoba of Honduras to release the shipment. Washington rewarded Honduras with additional aid.

Celerino Castillo III and Dave Harmon "Powderburns: Cocaine, Contras & the Drug War": https://www.scribd.com/doc/111246977/Powderburns-COCAINE-CONTRAS-AND-THE-DRUG-WAR
(alternative: https://www.scribd.com/document/117073689/Powderburns-2012)

The second source in this post is a long article by Robert Morrow on some of the whistleblowers on drugs trafficking by the CIA in the 1980s, going all the way to George H.W. Bush, his son Jeb Bush and Oliver North.
I don’t think that Daniel Hopsicker is a reliable source for information though, but the other “whistleblowers” probably are.

Al Martin’s book “The Conspirators: Secrets of an Iran-Contra Insider (2001) details a September 1985 meeting where Jeb Bush discussed the murder of Barry Seal in February 1986 with Oliver North, Richard Secord and Dewey Clarridge.

Martin writes about a meeting chaired by Jeb Bush, where North explained that they would “fight” against the lower revenue of cocaine because of the lower prices, by importing more.
CIA-assisted enterprise narcotics trafficking depressed the street price value of cocaine from $30,000 in early 1985 to $12,000 by mid-1986.

When Martin said he would expose what was happening, Jeb Bush responded by telling him that it would be “unfortunate”, since he might wind up like George Morales or Johnny Molina.
Jeb continued on Morales (then in prison): “Of course, Morales will never leave prison alive”.
The day after Morales would be released from jail, he would be flown to Washington to tell about the Iran-Contra affair. The day before Morales was to be released, he died, after slipping on a bar of soap in the prisoner’s shower.

When Bush threatened Martin at 10:30 a.m., Molina was still alive…
The next day Martin read that Molina had “committed suicide” the same evening at about 9:30 p.m. in Pensacola, Florida.
Lawyer Neil Lewis also threatened Martin, to which Martin responded by telling that he was aware that his former colleague, Larry Hamil, prior to the November 1998 elections, was involved in a political campaign money laundering scheme. Hamil laundered monies of Chinese origin to certain Republicans, including Jeb Bush.

Martin has personally known almost 400 people that died under suspicious circumstances.

In 1988, Bo Gritz, wrote a letter to George H.W. Bush about a video tape showing Khun Sa offering to stop 900 tons of illegal narcotics and expose dirty USG officials. In reply to this letter Gritz was threatened to stop his investigation and his partner Scott was jailed.
In a 28 June 1987 letter from Khun Sa to the US Justice Department, Richard Armitage, Theodore Shackley (former Deputy Director CIA from Covert Operations) and others are named as being involved in drug trafficking: https://www.dailykos.com/stories/2013/4/3/1199001/-Jeb-Bush-Oliver-North-and-the-Murder-of-CIA-Drug-Smuggler-Barry-Seal-in-1986
(archived here: http://archive.is/vjH4c)


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Gene Wheaton – Iran-Contra
« Reply #18 on: January 12, 2019, 12:07:20 pm »
Here’s information from another whistleblower Gene Wheaton…
Wheaton was probably the first to make the “Iran-Contra” scandal public.

In 1971, Wheaton and his family were transferred to Iran where he was the narcotics and counter-terrorism advisor to the Shah of Iran.
Wheaton retired from the army in 1975, and went back to Iran as a “civilian”.
For 2 years he was executive assistant to a vice president of the CIA front Rockwell Corporation, and director of security for a program over there called the IBEX program.

In 1985, Wheaton became vice-president of the cargo airline National Air.
In the early 1980s, Wheaton got close to CIA paramilitary mercenary operator Carl Jenkins, who had been the commander of the biggest CIA base in Laos while Shackley was there. Neil Livingston invited Wheaton to a party, to meet Ollie North. In 1985, Ollie North asked Wheaton to help devise a plan for weapons to the Mujahedeen in Afghanistan and provide airplanes for missions to the Contras.
In October 1985, Congress voted for $27 million in non-lethal aid for the Contras (which included weapons). Wheaton, Jenkins and Paul Hoven tried to get some of those $27 million to Honduras. They were told in no uncertain terms that the only way to do this was to go through Dick Secord and his aviation supply route. Wheaton refused because he knew that Secord had an unsavoury reputation.

Wheaton received direct information that Secord and his group (Oliver North, Ted Shackley, Edwin Wilson and Tom Clines) were diverting aircraft and hauling illegal cargo on the side (smuggling). Secord had direct knowledge that kickbacks from the Saudi AWACS program, were used to buy weapons for the Contras (that paid handsomely for these weapons with cocaine…).
In May 1986, Wheaton personally told CIA director Bill Casey, but Casey simply denied that the agency was involved in any of this illegal stuff. Then Wheaton took his story to the journalists Newt Royce and Mike Icoca, who put it on the front page of the Hearst newspaper.

Wheaton paints the big picture like this:
Ted Shackley and Vernon Walters and Frank Carlucci and Ving West and a group of these guys used to have park-bench meetings in the late 70s in McClean, Virginia so nobody could overhear they conversations.
They basically said, "With our expertise at placing dictators in power," I’m almost quoting verbatim one of their comments,
"why don’t we treat the United States like the world’s biggest banana republic and take it over?"
Reagan never really was the president. He was the front man. They selected a guy that had charisma, who was popular, and just a good old boy, but they got George Bush in there to actually run the White House.
They made sure that George Bush was the chairman of each of the critical committees involving these covert operations things.
They got Bush in as the chairman of the committee to deregulate the Savings and Loans in ’83 so they could deregulate the Savings and Loans, so that they would be so loosely structured that they could steal 400, 500 billion dollars of what amounted to the taxpayers’ money out of these Savings and Loans and then bail them out.
They got hit twice: they stole the money out of the Savings and Loans, and then they sold the Savings and Loans right back to the same guys, and then the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation - the taxpayers money - paid for bailing out the Savings and Loans that they stole the money from ... and they ran the whole operation, and Bush was the de facto president even before the ‘88 election when he became president.
This crowd really believes that the unwashed masses are ignorant, that we are people who are not capable of governing ourselves, that we need this elitist group to control the country, and the world - these guys have expanded. They look at the United States not as a country, not in any kind of patriotic mode now, but they look on it as a state within a world that they control. And that’s this attitude that they have.
They’re not unlike any other megalomaniac in the world. They’re nutty as fruitcake, but they’ve got distinguished gray hair, three-piece dark suits and they carry briefcases, and they’ll stand up and make speeches just as articulate as anybody in the world, but they don’t socialize and function outside their own little clique.
My experience with them is that they could be certified as criminally insane and put away in a rubber room and have the key thrown away. That’s how dangerous they are. But they’re powerful, and they’re educated. And that makes them twice as dangerous. And that’s basically what’s running the world right now.

When Harry Truman signed the National Security Act creating the CIA, he stated in that act that they couldn’t have any police powers, and shouldn’t operate in the US.
Congressional oversight of the intelligence community was increased after the Pike and Church hearings of the 1970s, in the wake of the Watergate scandal and CIA director Richard Helms convicted of lying to Congress (there were also kickbacks from the giant arm manufacturers to top politicians worldwide…).
The “secret group” of Ted Shackley, Tom Clines and Dick Secord were forced into retirement because of the scandal over Edmond P. Wilson’s training of Libyan terrorists.

After 9/11 was staged, the restrictions on US intelligence agencies were lifted.
75 and 80-year-old retired CIA people sat with tears in their eyes and told Wheaton:
Gene, what you’re into, you understand it more than we did, and it’s absolutely true, but it’s just so big you can’t do anything about it.
(archived here: http://archive.is/1Y7VO)


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Terry Reed & John Cummings - Compromised
« Reply #19 on: January 13, 2019, 11:02:27 am »
Here's another excellent book on the drugs for arms pipeline centred in the Arkansas of Governor Bill Clinton. It also has much information on money laundering schemes set up by Clinton, Jackson Stephens and Dan Lasater.
This book is sort of a biography of Terry Reed, who was part of the drugs for arms pipeline involving the Contras, without even knowing the drugs part.
This book is (almost) impossible to find on the internet. The link below has some short sections inserted that are not part of this book (I estimate this is less than 1% of the total text there).

On 24 February 1982, in Oklahoma City; Terry Reed first met Oliver North (who used the name John Cathey at the time). At that time Reed could contact North through the FBI. Reed frequently met North.
Only in 1987, when Iran-Contra hit the press, Reed found out that “John Cathey” was really Oliver North.
On 11 March 1983, North proposed Reed to meet Barry Seal (Adler Berriman Seal) so he could help in supplying guns to the Contras. Shortly thereafter Dan Lasater introduced Seal to Reed.

One of the first tasks for Reed in working for Seal was to make sure that no FAA regulations were violated for the airport they set up near Nella, about 12 miles from Mena, Arkansas (population 5000) which was only accessible by four-wheel drives.
The airport was first used to train Contra pilots in air-delivery techniques for the Contra Air Force.

When the airport became fully operational; weapons were delivered by “special barge traffic” over the Arkansas River to Nella and protected by the US Army Corps of engineers. The arms were temporarily stored there and flown to the Contras.
Cash and drugs were dropped in Arkansas from planes. The cash airdrops amounted to more than 9 million dollars a week.
Terry Reed saw the operation by being involved, but didn’t realise that the cash came from cocaine trafficking. He also knew that the CIA and White House were involved (of course at the time he didn’t know the identity of Oliver North yet).

Planes were “borrowed”, with and without the owners' cooperation, for "sting" operations.

The New Jersey gun-manufacturing company Iver Johnson’s arms Inc. was moved to Jacksonville, Arkansas.
The untraceable parts (without serial number) for the M16 rifles for the Contras were manufactured by the firm Park On Meter Inc. (POM) located in the town of Russellville.
Seth Ward Sr. was a high roller in Arkansas that was involved with POM, together with his son Seth Jr. (Skeeter). The son-in-law of Seth Ward Sr. was Webster (Webb) Hubbell, partner at the Rose law firm where Hillary Clinton was an attorney. Hubbell was also the corporate lawyer for POM and probably the biological father of Chelsea “Clinton”.
Hubbell denied that POM manufactured parts for M16’s, but admitted to a reporter of Time magazine that they had made a nose cone for a rocket launcher.

Barry Seal was one of the biggest US drugs traffickers in the 1980s and had been working as an informant for the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) for years.
Seal told Reed that he was involved in the arrest of Bill Clinton’s campaign contributor Dan Lasater and half brother Roger Clinton. This was done because Clinton had taken 10% of the gross instead of the agreed upon 10% of the profits.

Seal wanted desperately to get out of the game. Seal decided to go public in order to protect himself against an impending Louisiana indictment.
Barry Seal told Reed that George H.W. Bush's kids are in the drug business, when Reed asked for confirmation, Barry answered:
Yup, that's what I'm tellin' ya. A guy in Florida who flipped for the DEA has got the goods on the Bush boys. Now I heard this earlier from a reliable source in Colombia, but I just sat on it then, waitin' to use it as a trump card, if I ever needed it. I even got surveillance videos catchin' the Bush boys red-handed. I consider this stuff my insurance policy. It makes me and my mole on the inside that's feedin' the stuff to me invincible.
Seal was of course murdered on 17 February 1986 after the court ordered him to work for the Salvation Army, while prohibiting him to carry a gun or hiring armed protection...

See Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton, Vice President George H.W. Bush, and Alabama Governor George Wallace at Bush's residence in Maine, 1983.

Reed describes a meeting on 19 April 1986 at Juanita's Restaurant in Little Rock.
The "guest list" included Oliver North, Felix Rodriguez (alias Max Gomez), resident CIA agent Akihide Sawahata, Agency subcontractor Terry Reed, and Robert Johnson (lawyer for Southern Air Transport) was in charge of the meeting. Governor Bill Clinton and his aide Bob Nash dropped in uninvited.
This meeting confirmed that Clinton knew all about the drugs for arms pipeline centred in Arkansas.
After the meeting, Clinton invited Reed for a short talk, where Clinton smoked a joint (and inhaled deep!).
At the time they wanted Terry to set up a company for gun parts that would operate as a front in Mexico. Clinton advised Reed to set up this company for Oliver North.

A Classified FBI AIRTEL, dated 18 August 1987, warns the FBI, DEA and CIA of pending media investigation into the CIA activities at Mena, and identified Barry Seal as a CIA operative.


See the following facsimile of the August 1987 "Secret" report.

Lasater & Co. (of Dan Lasater), was handling more than $300 million annually in preferred state bond activity. Then Arkansas Development and Finance Authority (ADFA) was created, directly controlled by Governor Clinton's office. ADFA was designed to compete for the profits generated by the bond issues necessary to “industrialize Arkansas”.
The state was using the Rose Law Firm as its bond counsel for much of this activity.

See the chart that was drawn by Terry Reed in January 1991. It shows the connections between Clinton, the Rose Law firm, Lasater, POM, Seth Ward, Webb Hubbell and Barry Seal.

An example of the dealings of the ADFA, is the deposit of $50 million on an offshore bank account with the Fuji Bank in the Cayman Islands on 29 December 1988. A strange transaction for an organisation founded to lend money for development in Arkansas.
Fuji subsequently took over the loan on behalf of POM, and now presumably made payments directly to Fuji. This was curious since POM gave up a long-term, fixed rate, low interest loan issued by ADFA, which had a guarantor, the bank in Memphis, to back it up.

Clinton started borrowing money from First American in order to make up for their cash shortage, which could have made big problems for everybody involved.
Years later the BCCI scandal reached the headlines. Which showed money laundering and fraud – when at least 8 billions dollars, perhaps more than 12 billion, were missing.
Jackson T. Stephens, the chairman of Stephens & Co. in Little Rock, helped BCCI get started in the USA.
Investigators in New York would accuse First American Bank and Trust in Washington, for having hidden ownership ties to BCCI. This “secret tie” was denied by its chairmen, former Defense Secretary Clark Clifford and Robert Altman, who were both indicted for this connection.
Terry expected that the Arkansas drugs pipeline and money laundering would be blown wide open, but it never did.

Here’s another chart made by the Harkin campaign committee during the 1992 Presidential Primaries. It shows similarities to the one Reed drew in 1991.
It includes the Clintons, ADFA, Rose law firm, Buddy Young, Terry Reed, Felix Rodriguez, the McDougals, Madison Guarantee, Stephens Inc, First American and BCCI.

When Terry Reed was running the gun tool company in Mexico he was contacted by the Hungarian businessman and intelligence operative - George Fenue in July 1987.
Fenue had discovered a crate filled with cocaine and demanded Reed to explain using his company for shipping narcotics. Fenue had already discovered 2 earlier shipments in the logs with probably a similar content.
Reed secretly took 2 bags out before contacting his CIA handler in Mexico - Mitch Marr. Marr quickly took the bait by demanding what had happened to the 2 missing bags. Now Reed had certainty that the CIA had used him to traffic drugs.

Now suddenly Reed had become a liability, and he found himself in legal problems.
On 5 May 1988 a FBI AIRTEL message classified Reed as an "instant matter now being carried as armed and dangerous due to information developed by the Little Rock division".
Raymond (Buddy) Young was involved in framing Terry Reed; Reed was wrongfully accused of drugs trafficking (he was eventually acquitted).
Here’s a picture of Hillary Clinton and Buddy Young.

Terry Reed & John Cummings “Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA” (1994): http://survivorbb.rapeutation.com/viewtopic.php?f=218&t=2785

In a strange way this book is really about Barry Seal. Terry Reed doesn’t come close to describing what Seal knew (I believe that Reed is still alive).
Seal was portrayed in the 1991 movie "Double Crossed", and in September 2018 another glossy movie hit the theaters, featuring the little actor Tom Cruise playing the 300 pound heavy Barry Seal.

Here’s a 10:16 interview with Terry Reed


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Darlene Novinger, Chip Tatum
« Reply #20 on: January 14, 2019, 10:35:11 am »
In this post is information from whistleblowers Chip Tatum and Darlene Novinger on drugs trafficking by the CIA in the 1980s, going all the way to George H.W. Bush, his son Jeb Bush and Oliver North .
These “whistleblowers” have claimed to have survived assassination attempts, including blowing their cover to the “criminals” they were spying on (in the hope that the “criminals” would finish them off).

Darlene Novinger
There were 28 whistleblowers and witnesses, including FBI undercover agent Darlene Novinger, who suffered anthrax attacks between 1994 and 1997. 14 survived and several have died since of “cancer”. Darlene’s entire family, her husband, father, mother were all killed, and Darlene died in July 2003 from “cancer”.
After Novinger’s husband was murdered her files were sent to Red Wood City, California to be shredded: http://www.stewwebb.com/2014/02/22/fbi-whistleblower-darlene-novenger-exposed-george-hw-bushs-drug-usage/

In 1982, Darlene was told by the Smatt brothers (William and Raymond) that pharmaceutical-grade cocaine was delivered to the office of Vice President Bush at the White House. Smatt also told her that they had delivered prostitutes to Jeb and George Bush Sr. when they were in Miami.
Raymond Smatt also told her that George H.W. and Jeb Bush had used cocaine at his Miami home.
William Smatt showed Darlene personal correspondence, photographs, and checks of Vice President Bush and his son Jeb.

Smatt told Darlene that he had provided money to the head of the Republican Party in Florida, and that Florida politicians kept asking him for more money.
Smatt was called by the Miami Republican Party in her presence. Smatt screamed at them:
I just gave you a couple hundred-thousand dollars and I want this done!

After Novinger submitted her report with this information in December 1982, an investigation was started.
In January 1983, George Bush Sr. fired his entire staff on the South Florida Drug Task Force. Novinger assumed this was to cover-up her report.
Novinger´s cover was blown to the “criminals” she was spying on, she thought that they hoped they would kill her. She was also shot at, Novinger assumed to scare her.

Listen to the June 1996 radio interview by Stew Webb with Darlene Novinger.

The Tatum chronicles
Dois Gene “Chip” Tatum, as a helicopter pilot for the US Army from 1982 to 1986, was involved in massive drug smuggling into the USA.
His passengers included: William Barr; Buddy Young; Felix Rodriguez; Oliver North; Joe Fernandez; Manuel Noriega; Mike Harari.
Tatum reported these illegal activities to his superiors in the army, his handlers in the CIA, the National Security Council, and various high ranking officials, including: George H.W. Bush; Oliver North; Don Gregg; William Barr; Felix Rodriguez; Joe Fernandez; Dewey Clarridge.

See the letter to Chip Tatum, signed by George H.W. Bush, that authorises him to kill a liability, with the words “If loss of life occurs (...) you shall be exempt and protected from prosecution”.

Tatum was present at a meeting where dropping off drug money was discussed, in the presence of: Manuel Noriega; William Barr (associated with CIA proprietary Southern Air Transport and later US attorney general); Joe Fernandez; Mike Harari; General Gustavo Alverez. Participating in this meeting via satellite telephone were George Bush Sr., Oliver North, and (then governor of Arkansas) William Jefferson Clinton.

In March 1985, Tatum wrote in his “flight transcription” about meeting Noriega, Gov. of AK (Clinton) and Barr “concerning missing monies”.

On 15 February 1985, Oliver North assigned Major Felix Rodriguez to be Tatum’s local handler.
“Missions” could be ordered by any of the following: Oliver North; Amiram Nir (former Israeli Mossad Intelligence Officer and Advisor to Vice President Bush Sr.); Felix Rodriguez- (CIA).

On his flights to Arkansas Tatum met Dr. Dan Lasater. Lasater was usually accompanied by plain-clothes cop Raymond “Buddy” Young. Young later showed up in Honduras, posing as a member of the Arkansas National Guard.
Tatum delivered cocaine and money to Arkansas, which were labelled “donor organs”, directly to Lasater, who handed it over to Bill Clinton. He was introduced to Governor William J. Clinton, and his security chief, Buddy Young.
After Tatum returned to Ft. Campbell, he reported to CIA Director Colby that he had discovered that he delivered kilos of an off-white powdery substance and lots of cash. He later found identical packages in Honduras containing cocaine.
Tatum telephoned Don Gregg (George H.W. Bush’s National Security Advisor) to inform him that he was transporting large quantities of cocaine. Gregg told him that the cocaine would be used as evidence against the Sandinistas.

About a year later, Tatum was introduced to William Barr, Mike Harari, and Buddy Young. Barr presented himself as an emissary of Bush Sr. They met Felix Rodriguez for dinner at a local German restaurant.
There was a discussion on whether they would increase the “price” in cocaine for the guns to the Contras.
Harari: Look-one gun and 3,000 rounds of ammo is $1,200. A kilo of product is about $1,000. We credit the Contras $1,500 for every kilo. That’s top dollar for a kilo of cocaine. It’s equivalent to the American K-Mart special-buy four, get one free. On our side-we spend $1,200 for a kilo and sell it for $12,000 to $15,000. Now, that’s a profit center. And the market is much greater for the product than for weapons. It’s just good business sense-understand?
Young: Well, we get our ten percent right off the top and that’s plenty. GOFUS can make it go a long way.
Harari: Who is GOFUS?
Young: Governor Clinton! That’s our pet word for him. You know they call the President ‘POTUS’ for ‘President of the United States.’
Harari: One camp can produce 400 keys a week. The others are about half that. But that’s just our operation here. We have other sources in various parts of the world. Why do you ask?

Tatum met General Manuel Noriega and Barr for a meeting in which the loss of over $100 million dollars worth of drugs and cash was discussed.
Tatum once asked Barry Seal about the cocaine being made in Contra camps.
Seal said it was a CIA operation.

In another instance, Tatum was present when North, Rodriguez, and Ami Nir were inspecting cocaine in a Contra camp.
North said on 30 March 1985:
but he [Bush Sr.] is very concerned about those missing monies. I think he's going to have Jeb [Bush] arrange something out of Columbia.
This could be a “subtle" reference to the later assassination of Barry Seal by members of the Medellin Cartel in early 1986.

Bill Cooper and Buzz Sawyer were shot down in Nicaragua and killed. Their associate Eugene Hasenfus was captured by the Sandinistas.
Three months later Barry Seal was killed outside a half-way house in Louisiana.
In 1988, Ami Nir was killed.
In 1989, General Gustavo Alverez was killed.
In 1991, Contra leader and overseer of the cocaine kitchens Enrique Bermudez was killed.

Buddy Young became director of Region 6 of FEMA based in Denton, Texas.

In March 1986, Tatum was involuntarily recruited by Lt. Col. Oliver North into a Special Operations group named Pegasus. He would be working directly for President Reagan. Tatum was paid $43,394.40 in April 1986, given a medical discharge and reported to his new assignment in May 1986.
During the next few years, Tatum was tasked by Bush Sr. with the “neutralisation” of: in 1988 a Mossad agent, in 1989 an army Chief of Staff, in 1989 the President of a third world country, and in 1991 the leader of a revolutionary force in Central America.

In 1992, Tatum was ordered to “neutralise” an American citizen. Tatum refused and decided to leave the Black Operations unit.
When Tatum told Colby of his decision, Colby said he can’t just walk away. Tatum replied that he had placed film and tapes in strategic locations around the world to insure his safety.

In May 1996, Dois Gene Tatum was locked up in the Hillsborough County Jail on a treason charge, but the authorities didn’t give any information.

Chip Tatum “The Tatum chronicles – Pegasus” (1996):

In my next post in this thread, I’ll present more information on Tatum and William Barr...


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Tatum, Reed, Rodney Stich - William Barr and Trump
« Reply #21 on: January 15, 2019, 11:58:42 am »
It’s amazing that every time Donald Trump replaces somebody on his team, the new person is even worse than the scumbag that’s replaced...
On 7 December 2018, President Donald announced that he would nominate William Pelham Barr for Attorney General. From 1991 to 1993 he had already been Attorney General in the George Bush Sr. administration.

William Barr is a particularly sordid case. As George H.W. Bush’s most notorious insider, and as AG from 1991 to 1993, Barr stonewalled several investigations into CIA abuses; including BCCI and BNL CIA drug money laundering.

When George H.W. Bush became CIA Director in 1976, Barr joined the CIA’s “legal office” and worked alongside CIA criminals like Theodore “Ted” Shackley, Felix Rodriguez, and Thomas Clines, who were involved in the Phoenix Program and Golden Triangle narco-trafficking.
Barr was an important player in the Iran-Contra operation, simultaneously managing the operation while also “fixing” the legal end…

Whistleblower Rodney Stich, in his books “Drugging America: A Trojan Horse” and “Defrauding America: Dirty Secrets of the CIA and other Government Operations”, exposed how these operatives participated in many criminal operations during the Bush and Clinton presidencies. William Barr used the name “Robert Johnson”.
Stich wrote:
before William Barr came to the Justice Department, he was an attorney with the Washington law firm of Shaw Pittman Potts & Trowbridge. This law firm represented BCCI for several years…Barr’s former law firm also represented B. Francis Saul II, a director and powerful shareholder in Financial General Bankshares, Inc. Financial later became First American Bankshares, a covert BCCI operation…Further, Barr had been legal counsel for the CIA, the same agency that was heavily involved with BCCI corrupt activities. He was CIA counsel during the time that George Bush was Director of the CIA.


Terry Reed had been in frequent telephone contact with the man he knew as Robert Johnson. Johnson directed the drug trafficking and drug money laundering, the training in Arkansas of Contra pilots and fighters, and authorized Reed to set up the CIA proprietary in Mexico. At a later date, Reed learned that Robert Johnson was really William Barr, appointed by President George Bush to be Attorney General of the United States.

When the CIA and the Justice Department connections and cover-up of BCCI were exposed by the Congressman Henry Gonzalez, then-FBI Director William Sessions (not related to departing attorney general Jeff Sessions) promised an investigation. This prompted Attorney General Barr, to remove Sessions on trumped-up ethics charges: https://www.globalresearch.ca/ciabushiran-contra-covert-operative-fixer-william-barr-nominated-attorney-general/5662609
(archived here: http://archive.is/B5fIq)

See the interview of Chip Tatum by the late Ted Gunderson about George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton and Dan Lasaster´s involvement in drug trafficking and William Barr’s role.


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BBCI, Bush, BNL, Kissinger, P2
« Reply #22 on: January 16, 2019, 11:05:50 am »
George W. Bush had important business relationships with the Saudi multibillionaire Sheikh Khalid bin Mahfouz; Osama bin Laden's long-term financial sponsor and banker to the king. In 1998, pathological liar, former CIA Director James Woolsey even claimed that Sheikh Mahfouz's sister is one of the wives of Osama bin Laden.
George W. Bush was in business with 9 associates of Mahfouz, including 7 men associated with Harken: Dr. Hartmann, Sheikh's Bakhsh, Adham, Khalil and Khalifa, Bahrain deal-maker Michael Ameen and Jackson Stephens of Little Rock. Other individuals connected to both Bush and Mahfouz are Sami Baarma of the Carlyle Group and James Bath of Arbusto.

Sheikh Mahfouz's banking syndicate performed major CIA-backed banking operations for CIA assets as Osama bin Laden, Saddam Hussein, Manuel Noriega and other drug trafficking generals in Pakistan. Much of this is documented in the 1992 US Congressional testimony of Senator John Kerry.

The network of Mahfouz-connected banks included the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI).
BBCI used secret accounts for illegal arms sales to Iran. For this task InterMaritime bank’s (another bank controlled by Mahfouz) president Bruce Rappaport partnered with notorious drugs trafficker Oliver North.

In 1998, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright told the Saudi Arabian Defence Minister, Prince Sultan, that Mahfouz had channelled tens of millions of dollars into terrorist accounts in London and New York.
The Saudi Bin Laden Group is partners with Mahfouz in the Saudi Investment Corporation (SICO). In the late 1980's, SICO with the BCCI-controlled National Bank of Oman supported the heroin producing mujahedeen in Afghanistan. Arranging SICO's financing of Osama bin Laden were the top executives of InterMaritime Bank, Alfred Hartmann and Bruce Rappaport, joined by the infamous deceased CIA director, William Casey.

In 1987, vice-president of InterMaritime Bank of Geneva and New York, Dr. Alfred Hartmann, arranged a $25 million investment into George W. Bush's Harken Oil and Gas.
Hartmann was also the managing director of the joint venture between Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS) and BCCI, Banque de Commerce et de Placements (BCP) in Geneva. It was BCP that financed Harken. This deal was originally set-up by billionaire Bush and Clinton donor, Jackson Stephens from Little Rock.
Sheikh Abdullah Bakhsh was a major shareholder in the BCCI until its 1992 collapse and a major investor in Stephens' own Worthen National Bank. Sheikh Bakhsh's took a 20.8% stake in Harken by buying 3.5 million shares.

Sheikh Adham and his successor as Saudi Intelligence Director, Abdul Khalil, for BCCI arranged the hostile take-over of Washington DC’s largest bank, Financial General Bankshares, that was renamed First American Bankshares. This deal was performed with the pivotal assistance of Jackson Stephens.
Ed Rogers, who served as a political director for George Bush Sr. left his White House position to start a "consulting firm" that within a few weeks received $600,000 from Kamal Adham.
In 1985, Mahfouz's Saudi National Commercial Bank (NCB) loaned Khashoggi $35 million dollars to finance the illegal sale of weapons to Iran, at the behest of Oliver North.

One of Kamel Adham's close contacts, Adnan Khashoggi, is among the richest men in the world. Khashoggi was the arms merchant at the centre of the whole Iran-Contra scandal, and a long-time friend of the bin Laden family.

Hartmann was also the chairman of the Swiss affiliate of yet another criminal bank, the Italian Banco Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL). According to a report by US House Banking Committee Chairman Henry Gonzalez in 1992, BNL secured billions of dollars in illegal weapons-directed loans from the George H.W. Bush administration to Saddam Hussein.

NCB's top executive Sami Baarma also sits on the board of Mahfouz's Middle East Capital Group (MECG) with Harken-investor Sheikh Bakhsh on its board. Baarma also sits on the board of the Carlyle Group, where George H.W. Bush was a senior advisor.
Baarma is also the CEO of the Pakistani Prime Commercial Bank (another Mahfouz-controlled bank); with one Abdul Rahman bin Mahfouz as an executive board member, the manager of the bin Laden-sponsoring “charity” - Blessed Relief. In 1995, Rahman and his brother Sultan bin Mahfouz, both NCB directors, invested $30 million dollar in Carlyle.

Until the early 1990s, Bush's friend, James Bath, was also in multiple business ventures in the Houston area with Sheikh Mahfouz, BCCI's largest shareholder.
Investigators found out that Mahfouz’s IC Inc., the company related to James Bath, was at the very centre of the private banking network supporting the Iran-Contra money laundering set-up by Oliver North.

Another associate of Harken was the PM of Bahrain, Sheikh Khalifah, who was also a major investor in BCCI in August 1991.

In 1992, the BBCI and Stephen’s Worthen Bank “loaned” $2 million to the primary campaign of William Jefferson Clinton. Earlier, Hillary Clinton and the Rose Law Firm, successfully defended Systematics, a subsidiary of Stephens Inc.

Neither George W. Bush's Harken, nor Arbusto, were really oil companies at all, but rather financial institutions used for money laundering: http://www.whale.to/b/rivers.html
(archived here: http://archive.is/WH75t)

Between 1985 and 1990, the Atlanta branch of Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) provided Iraq with over $4 billion in unreported loans. A number of the imports from the US were guaranteed by the Export-Import Bank.
BNL was also a major participant in the Exim bank program for Iraq. In total, the Exim bank program helped to finance the sale of over $300 million in industrial goods to various Iraqi Government agencies.
Former US attorney in Atlanta Robert L. Barr, who was in charge of the BNL investigation case until April 1990, acknowledged that considerations of foreign policy had become intertwined with those of law enforcement and that the State Department was involved in thwarting the BNL investigation.

Henry Kissinger, and his Kissinger Associates compadres Brent Scowcroft and Lawrence Eagleburger, must have been aware of the BNL loans to Iraq.
Until 1992, Kissinger was a member of BNL's international advisory board and during the financing of Iraq through the BNL-Atlanta office, BNL was a paying client of Kissinger Associates. Between 1985 and June 1991, Kissinger received at least $10,000 for each meeting of the BNL advisory board he attended.
 Kissinger claimed that he resigned from the BNL advisory board in February 1991. In fact, 60 Minutes' reported that Kissinger served on BNL's advisory board until his contract expired in the summer of 1991.

When in 1969, Henry Kissinger became Nixon's national security adviser; Lawrence Eagleburger was his executive assistant. After working as a political adviser to NATO in Belgium, and as Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Department of Defense, in 1973 Eagleburger rejoined Kissinger as his executive assistant.
In 1989, Eagleburger became Deputy Secretary of State. During the early 1980's, Eagleburger promoted the use of the CCC and Exim bank to provide financial assistance to Saddam Hussein’s regime.

In 1971, President Nixon appointed Brent Scowcroft as his military aide. In 1973 Kissinger chose him to be Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and in 1975 he succeeded Kissinger as National Security Adviser to President Ford. Scowcroft resigned only during the Carter administration.
Scowcroft later became President Bush Sr.'s National Security Adviser and head of the NSC staff.

A link between Kissinger Associates, BNL and Iraq is former economist at First Chicago Bank Alan Stoga, who in 1992 served as a director of Kissinger Associates.
In the fall of 1989, Stoga negotiated with BCCI's representatives over BCCI becoming a client of Kissinger Associates. Officially BCCI never became its client, but BCCI's secretly owned affiliate National Bank of Georgia, did become a client of Kissinger Associates.

Other BNL advisory board members have included David Rockefeller, former PM of Canada Pierre Trudeau (father of current PM Justin Trudeau) and former British Minister of Defence Lord Thornycroft: http://archive.is/iwoYS

The Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) leads to the Propaganda Due (P2) Masonic lodge that orchestrated terrorist attacks.
P2 member Victor Emmanuel was a director-general of the BNL (Italy’s largest bank): https://www.lawfulpath.com/forum/viewtopic.php?f=31&t=1132#p3983


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Jeb Bush, Alberto Duque
« Reply #23 on: January 17, 2019, 11:55:13 am »
John Ellis “Jeb” Bush, son of a Bush Sr, was partners in crime with Alberto Duque, who financed Jeb’s $30 million real estate development project.
Alberto Duque is the same Colombian national who laundered drug money for the Medellin and Cali Cartels and Nicaraguan Contras, while being president of the General Coffee Company of Colombia and owner of City National Bank of Miami. In 1983, Duque was convicted for fraud and sent to federal prison.

Duque hired Bush crony Don Beazley, to serve as City National Bank's president. Beazley had previously worked for the CIA's Nugan Hand Bank in Australia.
Former CIA director William Colby was Nugan Hand's legal counsel.
Beazley had also been president of Great American Bank of Miami. In 1982, this bank was indicted for drug money laundering. Beazley also negotiated the sale of Second National Bank of Homestead, a subsidiary of Great American, to Nugan Hand.

Jeb was appointed by father George H.W. Bush to the board of the National Republican Institute, the Republican branch of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).
Jeb Bush's relationship with City National Bank, whose other senior director was director of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) Foundation Leonard Abess, ensured that a large slice of NED money flowed to Israeli security firms like Tadiran.

In the 1980s, Jeb Bush was a liaison between daddy George "poppy" Bush´s national security adviser, Donald Gregg, and various Florida-based Nicaraguan and Cuban exile organisations to support the drugs for arms pipeline to the Nicaragua Contras.
Mario Castejon, candidate for president of Guatemala, sought funding for arms to the Contras and other “rebel” groups in Central America, which would be labelled "medical supplies".

Another partner in crime of Jeb Bush was Miami-based lawyer Paul Helliwell, who owned 2 CIA money laundering banks: Great American Bank of Miami (later bought by Nugan Hand and indicted in 1982 for drug money laundering) and Castle Bank & Trust Ltd. of Nassau in the Bahamas.

Jeb Bush was also in business with 2 other Florida banks: Northside Bank of Miami (owned by the Cali Cartel) and the Popular Bank and Trust Company.
Popular Bank was once owned by Nicaragua's Anastasio Somoza but transferred to CIA control after his assassination in 1980 by Sandinista commandos in Paraguay. Much of the billions of dollars that the Somoza family stole from Nicaragua ended up in CIA-connected banks that financed Jeb's many real estate and money laundering enterprises.

After Jeb Bush stopped working for the Texas Commerce Bank in Venezuela in 1980, he hooked up with the Cuban-American Miami Armando Codina, who was connected to the CIA-supported anti-Castro Cuban exiles in Florida.
Codina helped Jeb make millions of dollars in the real estate business and eventually launch his political career that made him Governor. Jeb sold high-priced condos and mansions in the Miami area to his connections in Venezuela for handsome commissions.

One of Jeb Bush's Miami associates was Cuban terrorist Orlando Bosch. Bosch was a key figure in CIA's Operation Condor, which was an alliance of Latin American military dictatorships that assassinated South American leaders that were considered enemies of the CIA. From Caracas, Bosch helped in the October 1976 bombing of Cubana Airlines flight 455, which killed 73 passengers and crew. The Cubana bombing was discussed at a 1976 meeting in Washington between Bosch, another Cuban terrorist, Luis Posada Carriles, and Michael Townley of the CIA.
Jeb's father, CIA director at the time, knew about this, as well as another plot to kill former Chilean Foreign Minister Orlando Letelier: https://www.bibliotecapleyades.net/sociopolitica/esp_sociopol_bush61.htm
(archived here: http://archive.is/YZBAE)


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BBCI, Mueller, Robert Mazur
« Reply #24 on: January 18, 2019, 11:42:35 am »
There is of course a lot more on the BBCI scandal, including a nice role for “special” cover-up artist Robert S. Mueller III…
Even the mainstream media, including the Wall Street Journal, Washington Post, and New York Times, have criticised the handling of the BCCI scandal by the US Justice Department.

The following government officials have told how the Justice Department disrupted the “investigation”.
Chairman of the Subcommittee Senator Kerry;
Customs undercover officer Robert Mazur;
Mazur’s superior at Customs, Commissioner William von Raab;
New York District Attorney Robert Morgenthau;
Former Senate investigator Jack Blum;
Former US Attorney for the Southern District of Florida, Dexter Lehtinen.

In the 1970's, BBCI officially first opened a branch in the US. There were rumours about BCCI’s involvement in criminal activity practically since its inception.
According to the House Subcommittee on Crime and Criminal Justice, THE Subcommittee, as far back as 1983, federal authorities knew about BCCI’s illegal activities and by the mid-1980's the government had enough information to have put BCCI on the most wanted list.
In 1983, Customs Service had information on illegal smuggling operations by one of BCCI biggest customers - the Jordanian arms merchant Munter Bilbeisi.

In April 1984, former BCCI employee Aziz Rehman was interviewed by the IRS in Miami on transporting large volumes of currency in violation of Federal laws. He provided them with evidence on deposits to a nonexistent BCCI branch in Nassau, Bahamas.

The Government of India provided the IRS with evidence of a money laundering scheme involving BCCI. Because India didn’t have a tax treaty with the US, the allegations weren’t followed up.

In the autumn of 1984, Agha Hasan Abedi was told by the President of BCCI, Abdur Sakhia, that then-Senator Paula Hawkins had told President Zia to be concerned about drug money laundering by a BCCI subsidiary in the Cayman Islands.

In early 1985, the CIA reported to government agencies the Treasury and the Comptroller of the Currency on BCCI's plans in the United States, including its secret ownership of First American. Officially that information wasn’t passed on to anyone else.
Assistant Attorney General Robert Mueller told the Subcommittee that the Justice Department didn’t know about this CIA report.

In 1986 undercover Customs agent Robert Mazur proposed an undercover money laundering operation called Operation C-Chase. Mazur opened a Panamanian account at BCCI because it was the easiest to get.
His undercover operation handled roughly $14 million through BCCI on which BCCI earned banking fees in excess of $250,000. According to Mazur BBCI was more interested in getting large deposits than the fees.

In September 1988, Mazur tape recorded his meeting with Amjad Awan, BCCI's personal banker to Panamanian General Manuel Noriega, in Miami, Florida.
Awan told Mazur that he had been subpoenaed by the Foreign Relations Committee of the US Senate over Noriega's accounts and others in Panama. He also told Mazur about BCCI's secret ownership of First American and National Bank of Georgia through private individuals. He also gave his ideas on the political implications of Clark Clifford's chairmanship of First American.
He explained that BCCI’s lawyer Robert Altman would simply obstruct the Subcommittee's investigation into the connection between Noriega and BCCI.
In October 1988, federal agents arrested several intermediate managers of BBCI. This was coordinated with the authorities in the UK and France, who also made arrests.
The sting operation was taken down. Both Mazur and assistant US Attorney in Tampa Mark Jackowski were unhappy with the handling of the C-Chase investigation.

In the fall of 1989, the Subcommittee sought to depose a Colombian money-launderer, who had used BCCI in Panama. This was halted, so the information never reached the Subcommittee.
To make matters worse, the communication was leaked to the press, imperilling the Colombian’s family and property, so that he refused to cooperate with the US authorities any further.

Jack Blum was investigating drug trafficking in Panama. Blum contacted the Justice Department with startling information about BCCI - "a very senior BCCI officer” had given him evidence on the bank’s criminality.
Blum gave evidence to Customs and IRS agents in Tampa, including conversations with Mark Jackowski. Blum thought that the Justice Department would use the information in its investigation of BBCI. Blum was disappointed that the Justice Department didn’t use the information:
I waited for something to happen and, and what happened was, I started getting calls from the two guys I took to Tampa who said they're [the Justice Department] is not following up. Then, I talked to the agents, and the agents said, well, we're very busy...
No follow-up. And I began to worry that something was very wrong with this case. In -- I now believe it was late May, I decided that I would bring this matter to another jurisdiction, and that was New York...
I talked to Bob Morgenthau and essentially told him what I knew. On the basis of the same evidence essentially, and he ultimately communicated with the same witnesses, he produced the indictment.

Between March 1988 and October 1991, the Justice Department repeatedly delayed or halted the investigation by the Kerry Subcommittee concerning BCCI, and even made false statements.
The October 1988 indictment had charged BCCI with having a corporate policy of soliciting drug money. Then a plea was made, and prosecutors only blamed some individuals but not the bank (or its high executives). As a result, BCCI stopped its Florida operations and sacrificed a handful of bank employees for scapegoats. The Justice Department essentially stopped investigating BCCI after the plea deal.

Dexter Lehtinen investigated both BBCI and David Paul's dealings in Miami's largest Savings & Loan, CenTrust, in which BCCI held a secret interest of 25% through its nominee, Ghaith Pharaon.
When Lehtinen tried to have subpoenas enforced, the Justice Department simply refused to enforce them. Even after Attorney General Mueller offered to provide assistance to any US Attorney office pursuing a case against BCCI, he still refused to enforce Lehtinen’s subpoenas without any explanation.
On August 22 1991, chief assistant to Assistant Attorney General Mueller, Dennis Saylor, called Lehtinen and "indicated to me that I was directed not to return the indictment”. The next day Lehtinen received a letter from the Assistant Attorney General for the Tax Division Bruton, informing him that he should not move forward.

NY District Attorney Morgenthau requested that the Justice Department provide a witness, to which he got the answer:
They have said that he may be available in a year.
Morgenthau also offered to exchange information with the Justice Department, but that they flatly rejected the offer: https://fas.org/irp/congress/1992_rpt/bcci/08just.htm
(archived here: http://archive.is/8nIoZ)

Robert Mazur helped to bring down the BCCI bank and Pablo Escobar.
In the following 12:44 video, Mazur tells that the BBCI actively helped him to set-up a money laundering scheme. Mazur tells that they could have achieved more if they had kept the operation going for a couple of months more.
He testified every day during the 3 months trial. All of the defendants were convicted for their crimes.
He tells that the banks these days are still doing the same thing, including the HSBC bank.


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Henry Kissinger, Elaine Chao, Donald Trump
« Reply #25 on: January 19, 2019, 11:48:13 am »
The trail of drugs trafficking, money laundering, Henry Kissinger, leads to Elaine L. Chao and back to Donald Trump, George Bush and the Clintons.

Sadly overlooked in this thread, is Henry Kissinger “KBE”, who was awarded the Nobel Prize for peace in 1973 for orchestrating the mass murder in Southeast Asia (including but not limited to Vietnam and Cambodia). This went too far even for the notorious Nobel committee – 2 members of the committee actually resigned over awarding “war criminal” Kissinger this highly regarded prize.
Heinz “Henry” Kissinger is one of the many “philanthropists”, who was knighted by Queen Elizabeth.

Henry Kissinger, David Rockefeller’s favourite agent since the 1960s, has been instrumental in controlling US politics ever since Richard Nixon became US president.
Kissinger played an important role in the drugs for arms pipeline for the Nicaragua Contras project.

Shortly after inauguration, President Reagan appointed Henry Kissinger as chairman to the Commission on Central America.
One of the first appearances of Oliver North was in travelling to Central America for Kissinger’s commission. North later became the NSC liaison to this commission.
Kissinger was completely aware of the cocaine trafficking by the Contras, and from the following summary of the proposal by the Kissinger commission it becomes clear that he implicitly instructed the US government to set up the drugs for arms pipeline.

The Kissinger commission prescribed a policy for Nicaragua of economic, military and political pressure, using counterrevolutionary actions, see the following excerpts from its report:
We do not believe that it would be wise to dismantle existing incentives and pressures on the Managua regime except in conjunction with demonstrable progress on the negotiating front.
the majority of the members of the Commission, in their respective individual judgments, believe that the efforts of the Nicaraguan insurgents represent one of the incentives working in favor of a negotiated settlement.

The Kissinger Commission also acknowledged the importance of support by Honduras to the Contras, so its air force should be beefed up.
Obviously drugs trafficking was read between the lines by the initiated in “deep politics”: http://www.envio.org.ni/articulo/3959

On 22 October 1983 Henry Kissinger met Contra-leaders from Nicaragua, including none other than Adolfo Calero: http://www.nytimes.com/1983/10/23/world/kissinger-unit-talks-with-rebel-leaders-of-2-key-countries.html
(archived here: http://archive.is/gHXfM)

President Trump nominated Elaine L. Chao (born in Taiwan) to Secretary of Transportation, which the Senate confirmed by a vote of 93-6 (her husband Senator Mitch McConnell didn’t refrain from voting…).
Elaine Chao has earlier served as a Reagan administration official and secretary of labor in the George W. Bush cabinets (from 2001 to 2009). Elaine Chao is also a member of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR).

Elaine’s father, James S.C. Chao, was a classmate of Jiang Zemin, the president of China in the ’90s at Jiao Tong University. They have kept in touch ever since.
Through James Chao, Elaine and Mitch McConnell met Jiang several times, both in Beijing and Washington. When Jiang visited the White House in 1997, he met privately with Elaine and Mitch McConnell, before a state dinner hosted by President Clinton; Senator McConnell again met Jiang the next morning.
In 1999, Elaine and Mitch appeared at the University of Louisville with Chinese Ambassador Li Zhaoxing.

When James Chao emigrated from Taiwan to the USA, he founded the Foremost Maritime Corporation upon settling in New York. Foremost transports goods to China and buys its ships from the China State Shipbuilding Corporation.
Senator Mitch McConnell’s ties to the Chao family go back to the late 1980s, when James Chao began donating to his campaigns. In 1993, McConnell married Elaine Chao.
In April 2008, James Chao gave Elaine and Mitch $5 - $25 million to help the McConnells get over the dip in their stock portfolio after the financial crisis earlier that year. The generous gift made McConnell one of the wealthiest in the Senate, with an estimated net worth of $22.8 million.

In 1989, Elaine sought out John Huang to help raise money for Republican senators. In 1993, Huang, then head of the Lippo Bank (based in Indonesia), arranged a coalition of Chinese banks and individuals to sponsor Chao’s visit to Los Angeles as the new head of United Way.
Huang also donated $2,000 to McConnell illegally as part of a foreign money-laundering scheme.
Elaine has been a director for Protective Life Corp., which owns 50% of CRC Protective Life Insurance. Lippo co-owns the rest of the Hong Kong-based insurance company with China Resources Holdings Co., a front company for China’s People Liberation Army.
Lippo is controlled by the Riady family and was at the centre of the Clinton “Chinagate” fundraising scandal. Lippo´s chief executive James T. Riady pled guilty to a felony charge for illegally donating to the campaign of Bill Clinton.

One of Elaine’s patrons was Maurice “Hank” Greenberg.
Greenberg is chairman and chief executive of the New York-based American International Group (AIG), which does a lot of business in China.
Greenberg and AIG, through its employee PAC, have donated thousands of dollars to Mitch McConnell’s campaigns. Mitch also received large sums for speeches for AIG.
AIG has also hired Henry A. Kissinger, for his connections (including in China).

Chao also served on the board of directors for Bloomberg Philanthropies, the foundation started by New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg. Bloomberg gives money to the Sierra Club’s program of sustainable development (the problem of overpopulation…).
Elaine served as studies advisor to Heritage as well. Bloomberg gave Heritage $180,000 in 1998 and at least $100,000 a year for more than a decade through his Starr Foundation for writing favourably about trading with China: http://www.wnd.com/2016/11/trump-shocker-who-is-elaine-chao/
(archived here: http://archive.is/ryV3Y)

The China connection (again) leads to Henry Kissinger.
Kissinger has visited China more than 80 times since his first clandestine 1971 trip.
After Donald Trump became US president elect, Kissinger swiftly visited Chinese President Xi Jinping.
Kissinger was amongst a select group of US experts that met Xi in February 2012 before he became president.
Other Americans on this short list were former Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson and… Elaine Chao: https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-12-02/china-grappling-with-trump-turns-to-old-friend-kissinger

Now for the shocking stuff…
In August 2014, the ship “Ping May” of the Foremost Maritime Corporation of daddy Chao was in Santa Marta en route to the Netherlands.
See  James Chao (second from right), at the christening of the “Ping May” in Shanghai.

Before it could leave the port, Colombian inspectors discovered, amidst its load of coal, approximately 40 kilograms (about ninety pounds) of cocaine in 40 separate packages
: https://www.thenation.com/article/mitch-mcconnells-freighted-ties-shadowy-shipping-company/
(archived here: http://archive.is/6Gzi5)

Elaine Chao has also served on the board of Wells Fargo, one of the biggest banks in the world.
In 2012, Wells Fargo paid a $175 million settlement after it was accused of charging higher fees and rates to minority borrowers (maybe not of Chinese origins…) than to white borrowers with the same “credit risk”.
Even more interesting is that in 2010, Wachovia – purchased by Wells Fargo in 2008 – paid a settlement of $160 million for laundering over $100 million in drugs money for “Mexican and Colombian drug cartels” (I didn’t know that Bush, Clinton and Kissinger are Mexican Columbians…).
The bank admitted that it had failed to “apply the proper anti-laundering strictures” regarding the handling of $378.4 billion in currency exchanges with Mexico between 2004 and 2007.

In the aftermath of the financial crisis, the big banks received huge government bailouts (Wells Fargo got $25 billion from the US government).
According to the UN, proceeds from the global drug trade was “the only liquid investment capital” that ultimately helped keep Wells Fargo and other banks afloat.
Wells Fargo also profited, and continues to profit, at the other end of the “war on drug” as a major investor in the prison-industrial complex, specifically with heavy investments in the GEO Group, the second largest private prison company in the USA.

The Global Power Project examined a total of 26 individuals on the executive committee and board of directors at Wells Fargo; the most represented institutions are: the CFR and PricewaterhouseCoopers (with 3 individual affiliations each), followed by Harvard, Citigroup, Chevron, the Financial Services Roundtable and Target Corporation (with 2 individual affiliations): http://www.alternet.org/economy/whats-wrong-wells-fargo
(archived here: http://archive.is/kFNAu)


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